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Wars and conflicts have had a profound impact on women and gender in the Middle East. In this article, we aim to highlight the various ways in which the ongoing oppression and conflict in the Middle East shape the responses of the Iraqi, Palestinian and Kurdish women of Turkey and the object of their struggles. We go beyond the 'Orientalist' discourse, which depicts Middle Eastern women in armed conflicts as solely vulnerable and helpless victims, to discuss the resisting roles played by the Iraqi, Palestinian and Kurdish women of Turkey. Middle Eastern women have played and continue to play major roles in responding to society, gender and state oppression. While the Iraqi women in this study voice their resistance through conventional actions and wide civil-society activism that transcends the local level, the Palestinian women engage in unconventional unarmed or peaceful resistance through Sumud and cultural resistance as well as armed/non-peaceful acts of resistance. Finally, in the face of Turkish state oppression, the Kurdish women of Turkey also deploy non-peaceful resistance through becoming active fighters and engaging leadership positions in the Kurdistan Workers' Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Induced abortion is an important public health issue in the occupied Palestinian territories (OPT), where it is illegal in most cases. This study was designed to elicit the views of Palestinian women on induced abortion given the unique religious, ethical and social challenges in the OPT. Sixty Palestinian women were interviewed on their perceptions of the religious implications, social consequences and accessibility of induced abortions in the OPT at Al-Makassed Islamic Charitable Hospital in East Jerusalem. Themes arising from the interviews included: the centrality of religion in affecting women’s choices and views on abortion; the importance of community norms in regulating perspectives on elective abortion; and the impact of the unique medico-legal situation of the OPT on access to abortion under occupation. Limitations to safe abortion access included: legal restrictions; significant social consequences from the discovery of an abortion by one’s community or family; and different levels of access to abortion depending on whether a woman lived in East Jerusalem, the West Bank, or Gaza. This knowledge should be incorporated to work towards a legal and medical framework in Palestine that would allow for safe abortions for women in need. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Research with marginalised communities points to the need to understand political determinants of reproductive health. For residents of Kufr ‘Aqab neighbourhood, Israeli biopolitics in East Jerusalem can be barriers to access to maternal health. This is manifested in women having to cross military checkpoints to give birth in hospitals located in Jerusalem to make their children eligible for “permanent residency”, a document required for Palestinians to live in Jerusalem. A basic qualitative design is utilised, and semi-structured in-depth interviews with 27 women and 20 men were conducted and thematic analysis was used to extract themes and subthemes. Women reported exposure to risky conditions during pregnancy and worries of giving birth at checkpoints. Social support was restricted for some women due to inability of the husband/family to reach the hospital at the time of birth. Men reported distress related to inability to attend birth. Giving birth in a Jerusalem hospital, as part of passing residency to children, was perceived as reaffirming Palestinian presence in the City and transforming sites of suffering to sites of resistance. Israeli residency policies and segregation of Jerusalem affect Kufr ‘Aqab residents’ pregnancy and birth on physical, social and psychological levels. Results indicate the importance of incorporating political determinants of access to maternal care and safe pregnancy in the conceptualisation of reproductive rights. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Stemming from the literature that examines the importance of structure as a means that produces agency, this article aims to analyze Palestinian women's agency in Israel as negotiation with particular conflicting structures. While Middle Eastern women‘s agency is structured within Arab religious and cultural resources, Palestinian women’s agency in Israel, We claim, is not only structured by Arab cultural and religious resources, but is also structured by Jewish–Israeli spatial-cultural resources. This paper analyses two sources from which Palestinian women in Israel derive agency and examines the interplay between them: (a) Palestinian cultural resources and (b) Israeli–Jewish cultural-spatial resources. By analyzing this agency and coping resources, we seek to conceptualize a more extensive theoretical model that draws on existing Middle Eastern feminist literature concerning Arab women, with attention to the unique realities of Palestinian women's life in Israel and the varied structuring resources available to them. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Deals with the Palestinian women's movement as a point of entry into reconceptualizing the relationship between nationalism, feminism and difference in the Middle East. Conception of a fragmented category of woman in nationalism; Interview with Palestinian women activists; Description of Middle Eastern feminist theory and gendered nationalism; Discussion on feminism and difference in the Middle East.

Background: Domestic violence (DV) damages health and requires a global public health response and engagement of clinical services. Recent surveys show that 27% of married Palestinian women experienced some form of violence from their husbands over a 12 months' period, but only 5% had sought formal help, and rarely from health services. Across the globe, barriers to disclosure of DV have been recorded, including self-blame, fear of the consequences and lack of knowledge of services. This is the first qualitative study to address barriers to disclosure within health services for Palestinian women., Methods: In-depth interviews were carried out with 20 women who had experienced DV. They were recruited from a non-governmental organisation offering social and legal support. Interviews were recorded, transcribed and translated into English and the data were analysed thematically., Results: Women encountered barriers at individual, health care service and societal levels. Lack of knowledge of available services, concern about the health care primary focus on physical issues, lack of privacy in health consultations, lack of trust in confidentiality, fear of being labelled 'mentally ill' and losing access to their children were all highlighted. Women wished for health professionals to take the initiative in enquiring about DV. Wider issues concerned women's social and economic dependency on their husbands which led to fears about transgressing social and cultural norms by speaking out. Women feared being blamed and ostracised by family members and others, or experiencing an escalation of violence., Conclusions: Palestinian women's agency to be proactive in help-seeking for DV is clearly limited. Our findings can inform training of health professionals in Palestine to address these barriers, to increase awareness of the link between DV and many common presentations such as depression, to ask sensitively about DV in private, reassure women about confidentiality, and increase awareness among women of the role that health services can play in DV.

Political violence poses a considerable threat to the health of individuals. Protective factors, however, may help people to build resilience in the face of political violence. This study examined the influence of lifetime and past 30-day experiences of political violence on the mental and physical health of adult Palestinian women from the West Bank (N = 122). Two hypotheses were examined: (a) Reports of political violence exposure would be related to reports of poorer physical and mental health and (b) several coping variables (proactive coping; self-reliance; reliance on political, family, and religious support; and political or civic engagement) would function as moderators of the effects of political violence, buffering or weakening its effects on physical and mental health outcomes. Both lifetime and past 30-day measures of political violence were positively correlated with posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms. Proactive coping, reliance on self, and political or civic engagement significantly interacted with political violence to affect health in a counterintuitive direction; those with higher scores on these more internalized and individualistic coping strategies demonstrated worse health as political violence increased. Reliance on religious support, and, in particular, support from and participation in activities of religious institutions, emerged as a significant protective factor. Results underscore the importance of looking not only at whether political violence affects health, but also at how the relationships between political violence and health might occur, including the potential protective influence of resources within people's social environments., (© 2013 American Orthopsychiatric Association.)