Search

The Iranian nuclear programme is a controversial issue that has had domestic, regional and international effects. Iran's pursuit of nuclear technology has divided the Middle East region and international community. Turkey has been at the centre of the Iranian nuclear debate and has sought to play a 'mediating role' in this issue. This article will apply a Historical Sociological (HS) framework to analyse Turkey-Iran relations considering the Iranian Nuclear Issue. It will explore the period from 2002 until the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in July 2015 and will provide an analysis of the historical, domestic and regional/international developments in the nuclear issue and how this has affected Turkish-Iranian relations. By highlighting the continuities and constraints each actor has faced, this article will demonstrate how the interaction of structure versus agency, geographical determinants and historical analysis all help provide a comprehensive understanding of the constraining and enabling factors in Turkish-Iranian relations. By applying Historical Sociology and 'Cuspness' to Turkish-Iranian relations in the Iranian Nuclear Issue, this article provides the reasons of 'how' and 'why' the relationship is complex, and how Turkey and Iran can maintain pragmatic relations yet be constrained by these factors at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iran's coalition with the states and political organizations in the Middle East that are either Shia or act to counter the West and its regional allies is a consequence of the Islamic Republic of Iran's emotionally constructed identity. The empathy Iran has for the Shia resulting from the pain they have collectively suffered throughout history explains Iran's support for the Shia elements in Lebanon and Iraq. With the same logic, assistance Iran gives to Syria and the Palestinian organizations fighting Israel and sanctioned by the West are out of resentment against some Western powers embedded in Iran's identity shaped by a history of disrespect Iranians have seen from some Western powers, particularly Britain and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sheds light on the converging interests between Iran and Russia in the Middle East as well as persistent points of friction between the two countries. There is an internal debate in Iran about defining a new regional and foreign policy in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and during the administration of United States president Donald Trump. As there are no purely bilateral relationships in the international system, the Tehran-Moscow relationship is, to a certain extent, influenced by US foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses social instability and conflict in the Middle East, including Islamic terrorism, sectarian conflict and the Syrian Civil War. An overview of Saudi Arabia and Iran's relations with other countries of the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia's support of client regimes in Yemen and Bahrain, is provided.

The historical struggles with the concept of Iranian proliferation, has seemly found a short-term solution on July 14, 2015. Surrounded by controversy, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) signed by the P5+1 (the United States, Russia, China, the United Kingdom, France and Germany) and Iran has afforded Iran the opportunity to improve global relations and reinstate their economic status within the international community. If Iran breaks its reputation of untrustworthiness, the international community should discontinue to ostracize the state and instead focus on improving its economic standings. Iran is a unique Middle Eastern state in that it is comprised of multiple economic, social and political factors, which if combined in tandem could provide Iran a successful rehabilitation and reintroduction into the global community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A series of breakthroughs in Iran's contentious affairs with the West necessitate a new way of thinking on Turkey–Iran relations. Hassan Rouhani's victory in the 2013 Iranian presidential elections and the signing of the interim Geneva nuclear agreement between Iran and the ‘P5+1’ shortly thereafter warrant an overhaul of the conventional policies concerning the Islamic Republic. Coupled with the Arab uprisings, recent developments will significantly impact not only the way Turkey and Iran approach each other but also their regional policies. This paper seeks to shed light on the two different modes of engagement that Turkey and Iran have employed vis-à-vis their approach to their shared neighbourhood. That is, while Turkey is positioned to utilize this breakthrough on a global scale to improve its relations with Iran and other countries through ‘humanitarian diplomacy’; on the regional level, Tehran's hegemonic and interest-based ambitions will stoke the subtle rivalry with Ankara. This paper provides a background for the origins of these two different modes of engagement and discusses how they have influenced the dynamics in the region. After pointing out how the recent developments concerning Iran's nuclear programme and engagement in certain regional conflicts shape the Ankara–Tehran dialogue, it concludes with the implications of these competitive approaches for the greater Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article traces the outlines of India's engagement with the Middle East, focusing on security-related aspects of that engagement. First, it argues that India's approach towards the Middle East has undergone less transformation than that seen in Indian policy towards other key regions, notably the United States and Asia. Second, it describes how India has responded to recent, and older, episodes of political disorder in the region, and what patterns might be identified from these. Third, it traces aspects of India's relationships with Iran and Saudi Arabia, an exercise that brings some of those patterns into sharper relief. Fourth, and finally, the paper concludes by asking how India might orient itself in the region in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers information on the foreign policy of Iran and mentions Syria as an essential element of Iran in the Levant. Topics discussed include opportunities presented by the 'Arab Springs,' in Tehran, multi-dimensional assistance like political, military and economic, provided by Iran to regime of Bashar Hafez al-Assad, president of Syria and solution to the Syrian crisis.

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Why did Turkey and Iran fail to become close partners in the 1970s even though they had compelling reasons to do so? This article argues that mutual distrust between Turkish and Iranian leaders, domestic turmoil in the two countries, and diverging geostrategic priorities undermined Ankara and Tehran's efforts to deepen their relations. While the shah of Iran saw his country as the policeman of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, successive governments in Turkey continued to look west for their security. As economic and political turmoil engulfed the two countries, leading to a revolution in Iran in 1979 and a coup in Turkey in 1980, Iranian and Turkish leaders could not forge a lasting partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article starts by stressing the distinctive features of Turkish-Iranian relations. It argues that in order to understand the different stages in Turkish-Iranian relations one needs to define the fine line between competition and rivalry, which are usually used interchangeably. It explains the common concerns that united and fostered cooperation between Turkey and Iran as well as the differences that persisted after the US invasion of Iraq. Delineating under what sort of conditions Turkey emerged as a competitor in Iraq, it evaluates the main instruments Ankara and Tehran employed in their efforts to affect the future of that country. In an effort to explain why this competition heightened, carrying the risk of transforming the two countries' relationship to a rivalry, it elaborates on both countries' approaches and concerns vis-à-vis Syria and the role of the US in shaping the two countries' interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The repercussions of the 1979 Iranian Revolution are too often attributed to the idea that the state's policy-making was based on a Khomeinist-charged ideology that sought to expand political Islam throughout the Middle East. Alternative interpretations of Iranian foreign policy have emphasized policymakers' pragmatic, as opposed to ideological, considerations of state preservation. This article examines these contested propositions regarding the motivations shaping Iranian foreign policy. It assesses three interrelated foreign policy drivers that have been particularly salient in framing the Iranian positions vis-à-vis the various changes in both the regional and international arenas: Shiism, Welayat Al-Faqih, and domestic policy struggles. Analysis of Iranian foreign policy reveals that it is constructed on Iran's various regional rapprochements that take into strong consideration domestic politics. The findings suggest that Iran's foreign policy – be it the country's nuclear program, its animosity towards Israel and the US, or its support of diverse proxy groups in the Middle East – cannot be rationalized solely on assumptions of the state's self-preservation. Alternatively, this paper concludes that Iranian foreign policy is strongly shaped by Shia revival and Welayat Al-Faqih ideological discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Iran's potential acquisition of nuclear weapons and its political implications in the Middle East. It describes Israel's military superiority in relation to Iran's military capabilities, the foreign policies of Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and the initiation of the Iranian nuclear program by shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Other subjects under discussion include the effect of the Iran-Iraq war on Iranian political policies, the effect of Middle Eastern nuclear proliferation on the political parties of Hezbollah and Hamas, and the influence of Islamic fundamentalism on potential Iranian political actions.

The article discusses Iran, examining the threat Iran poses to regional peace in the Middle East. Beginning with the 1979 Iranian revolution, Iran-U.S. relations have never been as bad as they have been during the years 2003-2009, the author states. Topics include revelations about Iran's ambitions for its nuclear power program, an Iranian threat that is poorly understood and often exaggerated, and Iran's active and effective diplomacy in the Middle East. Also discussed is the emergence of a permissive regional environment regarding Iran's diplomatic activities.

This article focuses on the power struggle between Iran and Saudi Arabia for hegemony in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) regional system. It cites several events that brought Iran and Saudi Arabia as competing powerbrokers in the MENA, including the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel and the Iran-Iraq war. As of December 2008, Saudi Arabia leads the moderate faction of the Arab countries that are supportive of the U.S., while Iran leads the radical forces in the MENA region that is anti-Western and anti-Israel.

Iran and Syria were instrumental in the creation of Lebanese Hizbullah 25 years ago, and although all three actors have faced significant outside pressures during that time, their relationship has endured. Yet the relationship has evolved, too, with Hizbullah now a major player in Lebanese politics due to its constituent outreach and its maintenance of a militia that rivals the national army. This article examines the evolutionary process and assesses its implications for policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US invasion of Iraq has revolutionized the strategic architecture of the Persian Gulf in a manner that is still difficult to fully appreciate. Among the relationships that have been dramatically altered by America's move are the ties between Iran and Iraq. A critical examination reveals that more than territorial disputes or contending hegemonic aspirations, it was ideology that caused tension and ultimately war between these two states from 1980-88. While the earlier monarchical governments managed to contain their disputes, the ideological regimes of Saddam Husayn and the Iranian mullahs ultimately waged a devastating war against each other. Today, for the first time, ideology does not seem to be a source of friction between the two states, portending a more favorable relationship. The question then becomes, can the United States transcend its visceral suspicions of Iran and recognize that its long-term nemesis may be a source of stability? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses developments related to the political problems and defense policies of countries in the Middle East and North Africa. Iran has shown signs of a region-wide campaign against the U.S. and its allies because of its continuing support for Shia militias and Hizbullah. The goal of national unity in Iraq has remained elusive as sectarian violence and insurgent attacks continue to increase. Egypt has signed an agreement with the U.S. for the acquisition of air-defense units.

Describes Iranian foreign policies toward the Middle East and Central Asia. Impact of the imposition of the status quo in the Middle East and in the Persian Gulf on Iranian policy; Factors which shaped Kazakhstan's foreign policy; Characterization of Iran's foreign relations with western countries.

Argues that the Eight Summit of the Organization of Islamic Conference in Tehran, Iran provided a fortuitous platform for Iran and the Gulf Cooperation Council member countries. Implications of the summit to the balance of power and foreign policy issues in the Middle East; Necessity on the part of the United States to recognize the reality of the situation in the region; Leadership role of Iran in the region.

Comments on issues related to the U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East. Freedom of speech in the matter of war, peace and the Middle East; Views on the alleged conspiracy on the part of supporters of Israel to control the U.S. government; Impact of the relationship of the U.S. with Israel on the possibility of a U.S. war against Iran.

The article focuses on Iran's role as a sponsor of terrorist activities in the Middle East in 2005. Iran counts as one of the world's most active and persistent state sponsors of terrorism ever since its Islamic revolution in 1979. Its policy of sponsoring terrorists is ingrained on its constitution which calls for unsparing support to Muslim freedom fighters of the world.