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The US government's app CBP One is part of a digital migration control regime that favours border externalisation, paralyses human mobility and saturates the capacity of organisations that support asylum seekers and other migrants in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the CBP One application of the United States Government, which is used to apply for asylum in the United States from Mexico. This application is only available in central and northern Mexico, which limits access for migrants. In addition, other digital technologies used for migration control are mentioned, such as SmartLINK and Sisconare. These technologies can facilitate communication, but they also threaten human rights and affect the psychoemotional well-being of those who use them. The article also mentions changes in US immigration policies, such as waiting lists, migrant protection protocols, Title 42, and the asylum ban. These policies have used Mexico as an external border and have paralyzed the mobility of migrants. The use of the refugee status and complementary protection in Mexico is used as a deterrent strategy to keep migrants in the country. Thousands of people are stranded in Tapachula waiting to obtain refuge or documents that allow them to transit through Mexico safely. However, this process takes months and asylum applications remain unresolved indefinitely. The use of refugee status and the CBP One application in Mexico helps to keep migrants within the limits of Latin America, generating forced immobility and saturating shelters in the country. [Extracted from the article]

Enhanced immigration enforcement measures are now a dominant practice throughout the world. The concept of transnationalism, used by scholars to illuminate the complex dynamics these measures have across nation-state borders, has been critiqued for its replication of methodological nationalism—the assumption that the nation-state is a natural social and political form of the modern world. How then can migration scholars deepen the understanding of the mobilities of migrant children and youth without replicating methodological nationalism? We propose a relational socio-cultural analytic that synthesizes settler colonial theory and the theory of racialized legal status to comprehend the complex experiences of Indigenous migrant Maya youth and families throughout the Americas. Our use of a relational critical comparative analysis challenges structural functionalist approaches that limit the study migration dynamics within nation-state contexts, which can unwittingly sustain national membership in a state(s) as an aspirational emblem of belonging. We explore how Indigenous Maya experience and challenge the meaning of statelessness and the spillover effects of immigration enforcement measures along the US–Mexico and Mexico–Guatemala borders. We argue that a relational socio-cultural analytic lens serves as a powerful tool for understanding how nation-states co-produce stateless Indigenous populations and how these populations persist throughout the Americas and the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The twin topics of immigrants and immigration have been known to generate strong debates within the American body politic due to these debates' reverberations in U.S. society. Immigration has remained a contentious policy issue for several decades because of Americans' divergent opinions about opening the nation's borders to immigrants. Using YouGov data, we show that employing the terms illegal immigrant and undocumented immigrant produced different reactions among the survey participants. We also show, via multivariate analyses, that participants who voted for Donald Trump, those who did not vote in the 2016 Presidential election, and conservatives were more likely than liberals and those who voted for Hillary Clinton to endorse Immigration and Customs Enforcement's (ICE) twin policies of separating immigrant parents from their children at the U.S.-Mexico border and arresting illegal immigrants who have overstayed their visas, even if they have not committed a crime. The implications of our findings for policy, group relations, and future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Mexico's governance of migration and its geopolitical moral dilemma: an enthusiastic champion for migrants' human rights in the international sphere and a tough migration control enforcer. I consider this seemingly ambivalent and contradictory approach through the lens of euphemisms and dysphemisms, more specifically by analysing the use of euphemistic rhetoric and dysphemistic practices in the governance of migration. Through document analysis, I examine Mexico's use of euphemistic rhetoric in its role as migration control enforcer, as well as in its positioning in the relation to the Global Compact on Migration. Drawing on the experiences of irregularised migrants in Mexico and information obtained though Freedom of Information Requests, I analyse three dysphemistic practices in migration management: (i) bureaucratic negligence, (ii) precarious infrastructure, and (iii) spatial fixation and waiting. The Mexican case illustrates the discrepancy between discourse and practice in migration management and is an example of the ambivalences of global migration governance, which instrumentalises euphemistic rhetoric while promoting and tolerating dysphemistic practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to analyze the results of the border security policy agendas of the federal governments of the United States and Mexico, as well as the consequences of migration management, in terms of integrating various aspects such as everyday coexistence in the northern and southern borders of Mexico reflected, among other things, by documented transit; as well as the historical sequence of migrant detentions at different border points in Mexico and in the southern United States. The 2022 U.S. electoral process heightened a nationalist vision that fostered a policy of greater immigration control, reflected in a higher number of undocumented immigrant detentions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars estimate that 90 percent of U.S. deportees are men, and one in three have children in the United States. For these men, removal is often intertwined with detention and incarceration, as the United States pulls deportees from prison and punishes those who attempt reentry. This deportation-carceral system separates fathers from their children and erodes family intimacy. Drawing on 54 interviews, we find that deported fathers adopt three distinct identities as parents which inform their practices post-deportation: 1) those facing a first deportation and short stints in detention remain undeterred , maintaining practical ties and focusing single-mindedly on reuniting with their children; 2) those who have spent more time in detention and/or attempted reentry unsuccessfully also sustain strong fatherly identities, yet they acquiesce to the institutional barriers to remaining connected in practice; and 3) those who were incarcerated pre-deportation largely resign themselves to institutional barriers and give up on parenting. While most fathers strive to persist as parents, the deeper their entanglements in the system, the higher the obstacles to fathering. Upon return to Mexico, the first two groups live in limbo while the third feels deeply alienated. Thus, deportation not only undermines immigrant families in the United States; it also inhibits fathers' return to their nation of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly stringent immigration enforcement in the US interior has led to the deportation of large numbers of long‐term Mexican immigrants with families in the USA. We analyse the statistical association between the intent to return to the USA and leaving minor children with spouses or other people in the USA among Mexican immigrants deported from the US interior in 2014–2018, and explore if this association varies by sex and year of deportation. We employ the deportees' section of the Survey on Migration on Mexico's Northern Border. The results indicate that having left children in the USA considerably increases the likelihood of a plan to return to the USA, especially in the short term and when deportees left minor children with a spouse. Remigration plans were higher among women and slightly decreased over time among parents, suggesting a continued failure of policy to account for the family circumstances of immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how Mexican-origin women construct and navigate racialized identities in a postindustrial northern border community during a period of prolonged restrictive immigration and immigrant policies, and it considers mechanisms by which responses to racialization may shape health. This grounded theory analysis involves interviews with 48 Mexican-origin women in Detroit, Michigan, who identified as being in the first, 1.5, or second immigrant generation. In response to institutions and institutional agents using racializing markers to assess their legal status and policing access to health-promoting resources, women engaged in a range of strategies to resist being constructed as an "other." Women used the same racializing markers or symbols of (il)legality that had been used against them as a malleable set of resources to resist processes of racialization and to form, preserve, and affirm their identities. These responses include constructing an authorized immigrant identity, engaging in immigration advocacy, and resisting stigmatizing labels. These strategies may have different implications for health over time. Findings indicate the importance of addressing policies that promulgate or exacerbate racialization of Mexican-origin communities and other communities who experience growth through migration. Such policies include creating pathways to legalization and access to resources that have been invoked in racialization processes, such as state-issued driver's licenses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 2001 and 2018, more than 5.5 million Mexican migrants were removed from the United States or returned to Mexico with their families as immigration enforcement escalated. Learning how this transition affected their children-- also referred to as "the invisibles"-- is a policy- relevant topic for both the United States and Mexico. Using representative data on 7.6 million Mexican- and U.S.-born children from the 2015 Mexican Intercensal Survey, we provide evidence of the gaps in access to education and health care between these two groups and of the factors potentially responsible for the existing barriers. Relative to children born in Mexico, U.S.-born children are at a considerable disadvantage in terms of health care access, but less so in terms of education. Lack of a Mexican- issued birth certificate is among the persistent factors responsible for the gaps in services. Policies aimed at changing the approach to immigration enforcement in the United States, lessening paperwork requirements in Mexico, and easing access to documentation in both countries could improve transnational children's access to basic services, as well as their present and long-term well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the pornographic genre of 'border sex', set on the US-Mexico border and produced in the US, which depicts uneven power relations taking shape at and through the border. I posit an interpretation of these representations that focuses on the use of institutionalised violence as a means of exerting control over female migrants' bodies, reasserting a gendered territorial authority. This interpretation also highlights the intersectional aspects of inequalities and I propose an understanding of the embodiment of control and the US-Mexico border that shows the importance and potential of the theoretical and analytical tools of feminist geography to contribute to the critical border studies literature. Moreover, the article places itself in the tradition of popular geopolitics and plugs a gap in this stream of research and literature regarding online pornography and its importance in shaping imaginaries, not only with regard to sexual relations. This work draws on various theoretical traditions and analytical approaches to cover issues related to borders and border crossing from a feminist geopolitical standpoint, with a particular interest in the increasing embodiment of migration control in pornographic popular representations and in the intersection of various forms of inequality at the border. The representation of border patrols on the US-Mexico border in pornography is an interesting research field for a reflection on ethnosexual borderscapes and the border as a technology for reproducing inequalities and reaffirm power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Universitaria is the property of Universidad de Guanajuato/Acta Universitaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

New migration configurations, particularly regarding access to resources for arriving migrants in urban contexts, have emerged in Mexico. As a destination for newly arrived international immigrant populations, Mexico City has become especially important. Stranded migration situations have produced fragmented journeys for Latin American migrants who are on their way to the United States. With the strengthening of immigration containment policies and the insecurity in Mexico, the complexity of immigrant journeys has led to new ways of settling in the country, temporarily or permanently. This paper is based on empirical elements to analyze the experiences of migrants who have recently arrived in Mexico City using a perspective centred on their everyday practices in the urban space. It highlights the different tactics and strategies that migrants develop depending on the characteristics of their migration process and their need for access to resources, like housing, employment, health care, and education. We point out that, in a context of restricted access to resources or an immigration status, utilizing alternate and informal strategies in micro‐local spaces is common in the city and part of a negotiated urbanity in an unknown metropolitan environment. We argue that, despite the local intercultural policy implemented by the government of Mexico City, situations of legal precariousness and transitoriness that characterize the urban practices and patterns of incorporation into the city constrain international migrants' access to their rights. Key Messages: Under current immigration control, many migrants settle temporarily or permanently in Mexico City, challenging authorities' efforts to make local inclusive policy reforms truly effective.As settling in the city makes it necessary to activate specific strategies for accessing resources, migrants rely more on new local interactions than pre‐existing social networks or longstanding sociocultural resources.Transient situations lead to partial incorporation into the urban context and limited access to rights, so informality, marginality, and social insecurity remain salient features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2018 Central American migrant crisis, in which thousands of people traveled through Mexico in caravans toward the United States border, was a milestone in Mexican immigration policies. The humanitarian crisis evidenced the poverty and vulnerability to which migrants are exposed in their places of origin. At the same time, immigration policies in Mexico became more restrictive due to both internal and external political pressure and, as a result, the securitization measures have become more pervasive than all other migration control policies. This article suggests that this new approach to migration could be ineffective over the long-term, whilst becoming increasingly dangerous for migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kevin R. Johnson* The last few years saw deeply troubling developments in U.S. immigration law and enforcement. See JOHN F. SIMANSKI, U.S. DEP'T OF HOMELAND SEC., IMMIGRATION ENFORCEMENT ACTIONS: 2013, at 6 (2014), https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/Enforcement 2021 ] IMMIGRATION LAW LESSONS 313 disparate impacts ofthe U.S. immigration removal system is no real surprise, especially to Latinx and Asian persons who have suffered through generations of discriminatory immigration policies. The Obama administration annually removed hundreds of thousands of noncitizens from the United States,1 which earned the President the unflattering nickname of "Deporter in Chief..2 After making immigration enforcement the cornerstone of his 2016 presidential campaign, Donald J. Trump, shortly after his inauguration, ushered in ever more aggressive and controversial immigration enforcement measures. Caldwell reasonably calls for the return of a balancing test, allowing immigration courts to weigh the factors for and against removal, with a heavy presumption against the removal from the United States of an immigrant married to a U.S. citizen.77 Again, it is difficult to imagine Caldwell's reasonable and moderate reform proposals prevailing in the contemporary political process. [Extracted from the article]

While Mexico has been openly critical of US immigration enforcement policies, it has also served as a strategic partner in US efforts to externalize its immigration enforcement strategy. In 2016, Mexico returned twice as many Central Americans as did the United States, calling many to criticize Mexico for doing the United States' "dirty work." Based on ethnographic research and discourse analysis, this article unpacks and complicates the idea that Mexico is simply doing the "dirty work" of the United States. It examines how, through the construction of "dirty others"—as vectors of disease, criminals, smugglers, and workers—Central Americans come to embody "matter out of place," thus threatening order, security, and the nation itself. Dirt and dirtiness, in both symbolic and material forms, emerge as crucial organizing factors in the politics of Central American transit migration, providing an important case study in the dynamics between transit and destination states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the summer of 2018, the US government detained thousands of migrant parents and their separated children pursuant to its zero-tolerance policy at the United States–Mexico border. The ensuing media storm generated unprecedented public awareness about immigration detention. The recency of this public attention belies a long-standing immigration enforcement practice that has generated a growing body of research in the past couple of decades. I take stock of this research, focusing on the causes, conditions, and consequences of immigration detention in the United States. I also discuss critical tasks for future research, including (a) examining the role of local governments, the private prison industry, and decision makers responsible for release decisions in maintaining the detention system; (b) extending the field of inquiry to less-visible detainee populations and detention facility guards and staff, for a fuller understanding of detention conditions; and (c) investigating not only direct but also indirect consequences of detention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protection of the U.S.-Mexico border has become a priority for politicians and government officials alike. However, the protection of people's rights near the border has been largely ignored. Due to the Fourth Amendment's border search exception, customs officials and border patrol agents may use lower standards for suspicion in conducting searches and seizures of people in the border region. In determining whether a search or seizure is reasonable, the Fourth Amendment requires balancing of the degree to which the government intrudes on a person's privacy against the government's interest in conducting the search. This Article analyzes the changes in enforcement at the U.S.-Mexico border and their effect on what constitutes reasonableness for searches and seizures in the border region. It concludes that the changes in border and immigration enforcement enhance governmental intrusions upon privacy while the government's interests in enforcement remain largely unchanged. Therefore, in reevaluating reasonableness at the border, courts would likely hold that the government's interests do not afford the degree to which the government is intruding on privacy. While the Fourth Amendment itself has not changed, what constitutes reasonableness at the U.S.-Mexico border has. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the impact of the pandemic and enforcement at the US and Mexican borders on the emigration of Guatemalans during 2017–2020. During this period, the number of crossings from Guatemala to Mexico fell approximately by 10%, according to the Survey of Migration to the Southern Border of Mexico. Yet, there was a rise of nearly 30% in the number of emigration crossings of male adults travelling with their children. This new trend was partly driven by the recent reduction in the number of children deported from the US. A one-point decrease in the number of children deported from the US to Guatemalan municipalities resulted in 14 additional crossings from Guatemala to Mexico made by adults, and nearly 0.5 more emigration crossings made by adult males travelling with their children. However, the surge of emigrants travelling with their children was also driven by the acute economic shock that Guatemala experienced during the pandemic. During this period, air pollution in the analysed Guatemalan municipalities fell by 4%, night light per capita fell by 15%, and homicide rates fell by 40%. Unlike in previous years, during the pandemic emigrants were fleeing poverty rather than violence. • Article examines emigration crossings from Guatemala to Mexico during 2017–2020. • Emigration crossings from Guatemala fell by 10%. • But crossings by male adults emigrating with their children increased by 30%. • Fewer US child deportations during 2020 increased some of these emigration flows. • In contrast to previous years, emigrants fled economic hardship not violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. immigration policy has been the subject of considerable debate in recent years. Previous research has focused on how temporal variation in federal policy has altered the migratory behavior of immigrants. The effect of spatial variation in enforcement remains untested. Relying on the criminological distinction between general and specific deterrence, we argue that high rates of enforcement are unlikely to encourage undocumented immigrants to self-deport. We also examine the effects cultural and economic immigration policies adopted by the states. Previous research suggests that migrants will choose to remain in states with favorable environments, but this claim has not been directly tested. We draw on data from the Mexican Migration Project ( MMP) to address these gaps. MMP data are supplemented with government data on federal enforcement obtained from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and measures of state policy. Our findings suggest that higher rates of enforcement and the establishment of negative policy environments do not encourage undocumented immigrants to leave the United States at a higher rate than their documented counterparts do. Rather, high enforcement contexts exaggerate the differences between documented and undocumented migrant behavior, with undocumented migrants staying longer. Liberal state policies have no discernible effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1986, the United States has made considerable efforts to curb undocumented immigration across the US–Mexico border, resulting in an increase in migration costs for undocumented immigrants from Mexico and placing a particularly heavy burden on undocumented immigrant women. Using data from the 1990, 2000 Decennial Census and the 2006–8 American Community Survey, this study finds three effects of rising migration costs for immigrants from Mexico: (1) A decrease in the relative flow of older and highly educated undocumented immigrant women relative to men; (2) An increase in the skill composition of immigrant women relative to men; and (3) An increase, due to stronger positive selection, in the average earnings of those groups most affected by increased migration costs, particularly women. This research has important implications in light of the barriers and increasing dangers that women across the globe may face when migrating. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the efforts of the U.S. to heighten U.S.-Mexico border security since the 1990s in order to reduce illegal immigration. An overview of the U.S. Border Patrol agency, including its impact on the rate of Mexican immigration in the 1980s, 1990s, and following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, is provided. The author contends that the U.S. should reconsider associating border control with national security and maintains that an open U.S.-Mexican border would allow for greater economic development.

The article presents an in-depth examination into U.S.-Mexican border enforcement and its connections to illegal immigration trends. Statistical analysis is presented estimating the inflow and outflow of Mexican migrants to the United States between 1972 and 2003 and evaluating its effectiveness. Further attention is given to the methodological use of choice-based sampling analysis on the data and its research benefits. Findings highlight different statistical correlations between border enforcement strictness and migration behaviors. Conclusions are also provided identifying overall effectiveness of the border system.

Tamaulipas presents a long tradition of rural migration to the United States in search of farm employment. Until the eighties, Tamaulipas' undocumented workers crossed the border easily. However, starting in the nineties, as a result of a restrictive migration policy centered exclusively on the "supply-side", crossing the border has become difficult. As a result, most immigrants are using the services of "smugglers". This paper analyses the impact of the militarization of the frontier on the emigration of Tamaulipas' illegal rural workers seeking farm jobs in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the immigration debate in the United States by examining its representation in mass media. An episode of the reality television program "30 Days," the documentary film "Under the Same Moon," the nonfiction book "Enrique's Journey," and the short story "Cariboo Café" are examined. The debate is framed as divided between a belief that illegal U.S. immigrants should be prosecuted and deported and a belief that illegal U.S. immigrants should be accepted. Focus is given to U.S. immigrants from Mexico, and it is suggested that the U.S. is depicted as superior to Mexico across the media.

Immigration enforcement cooperation between final-destination and transit countries has increased in the last decades. I examine whether the Southern Border Plan, an immigration enforcement program implemented by the Mexican government in 2014, has curbed intentions of unauthorized migrants from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras to migrate to the United States. I use the announcement of the Southern Border Plan to implement a difference-in-differences approach and compare the evolution of short-run intentions to engage in additional unauthorized crossings of Central American (treatment group) relative to Mexican deportees (comparison group). The findings suggest that increased enforcement in Mexico decreases the likelihood of attempting repeated unauthorized crossings.

This article presents an account from a Mexican woman who has been a detainee held as an illegal alien in a prison in California since 2007. She has been awaiting deportation, but has received no information about the status of her case. The author describes how the majority of the prisoners are Hispanic women from Mexico who speak little or no English and have little communication with the world outside the prison. The article asserts that the prisoners have no knowledge of their legal rights and have no way to be advised about them. The Mexican consulate in the U.S. does not help them.