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Whether women can travel alone has been debated for centuries in Islamic law. This article examines the Islamic legal principles concerning women travelling alone, whether it be for Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca) or any journeys. Despite the explicit Quranic order about the duty of Hajj for all believers, depending upon the fulfilment of specific conditions, Sunni scholars have introduced additional criteria, particularly related to women, which have led to the establishment of gender-specific regulations. These interpretations are based on the ḥadīth of the Prophet rather than explicit verses from the Qur'an. The view that prevents women from travelling alone has gained dominance among Sunni scholars, and a maḥram (a male relative) becomes a requirement for a journey. However, Ibn Ḥazm of Cordoba (d. 1064) presents an opposing perspective that significantly differs from this consensus. Ibn Ḥazm believes that women can travel and participate in the Hajj without a maḥram, emphasising the importance of Hajj as a personal responsibility in terms of the religious obligation. This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the ḥadīth concerning women's travel alone, the varying opinions of Sunni scholars, and the distinctive position adopted by Ibn Ḥazm. The text explains that Ibn Ḥazm's analysis mainly based on a preference for reasonable arguments and egalitarian principles, prioritising them over literal interpretations of the ḥadīths regarding the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the process of Mecca, the birth and beginning place of Islam, and Medina, which is the area of the systematization and dissemination, some developments have taken place in religious beliefs and practices. The main factor here has been the verses of the Qur'an, which were revealed in both processes. There are differences between religious belief principles and especially practices in line with the verses. While the verses revealed in Mecca emphasize the principles of belief, in the Medina process, there is a comparison and determination of the truth in the context of the relationship of belief with other religions, and elaboration in practical matters. Another factor that was effective in this process of change was the religious and religious aspect of the society that formed the demographics of the cities. The verses of the Qur'an, which were primarily intended for the addressee, focused on the principles of Islam in the Medina process. This situation was mainly aimed at the formation of the basic theological structure of the religion of Islam for theMeccan process. Hz. After the Prophet's emigration toMedina, he came into contact with a group that accepted his messengership of Allah. The opposition to the prophet in the Meccan period is not very clear here. While the majority of those who opposed him were polytheists in the Meccan period, this situation was shaped as Jews and Christians in the Medina period. Accordingly, Hz. The process, which started with the Prophet's migration, also shaped the creed and practical dimension of the religion of Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the research is to extract the educational lessons contained in Surat Al-Takathur to apply them on the ground. There is no verse in the entire Qur’an without meaning, benefit, wisdom or legislation. It is the miraculous word of God in every time and place, the constitution of human life. The Qur’anic verses are intended to achieve the leadership of people in the religious, worldly and hereafter life, and the rulings learned from the meanings of the noble verses are closely related. Either by belief, or by worship, by morals and behavior, or by legislation that is good for the individual and the group. The meanings learned from Surat Al-Takathur are the warning, then warning against heedlessness and preoccupation with the matters of life, its temptations and desires, about the affairs of the Hereafter, then the reminder that death is coming inevitably, and we have a lesson for those who preceded it, then confirming the Last Day and the horrors in it and asking about everything that the servant presented in his life. I have clarified the educational lessons contained in this noble surah that the Muslim can benefit from during his life and after his death, and she followed the inductive approach. This research includes an introduction and four chapters. Introduction: which included the importance of the topic, its objectives and methodology of previous studies, as well as the limits of the study. The first topic: Defining Surat Al- Takathur in terms of its name, the reason for its revelation, the number of its verses, their Mecca, its relevance to what precedes and after it, its interpretation, as well as the clarification of its general purposes. The second topic: educational contents related to reminding, reprimanding and warning. The third topic: the educational implications related to being preoccupied with the glories of the world, being accountable for it, and giving thanks to God. The fourth topic: other implications, such as the true value of the human being and his position in life, and what matters is quality, not quantity. The research concluded with the most important findings and recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The brief discussion of this article is that it has reviewed the causes of the Mughazis who have been mentioned in the Holy Quran. These Mughazi Rasul are about 12. Below are: 1: Badr. 2: Uhud. 3. Hamra al-Asad. 4: Badr Sughri. 5: Banunazir. 6: Khandaq. 7: Khandaq. Makkah. 11: Hunain. 12: Tabuk. After that, two types of causes of al-Maghazi have been reviewed, one is the general causes of all al-Maghazi and Jihad, why Islam has allowed jihad and al-Maghazi, then the causes and motivations of the wars mentioned in the Qur'an have been reviewed one by one. And the order of this review has been set in such a way that first of all, Ghazwa is mentioned in the holy verse of the Holy Quran, it is described with its translation, after that Ghazwa is described as a summary and its cause, that is, it is explained why this Ghazwa took place and for what reason. The research method of this article is analytical and narrative in a simple way and an attempt has been made to make the argument from the original source. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Faculty of Theology / Kilis 7 Aralik Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi is the property of Kilis 7 Aralik Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Different accounts have been said about the numbers of the verses, which are evidences for the miraculous and the uniqueness of our holy book, the Quran, within the surah and throughout the Qur'an. This situation has been handled with a science titled 'Add al-Āyy among the Qur'anic sciences, which is a science whose rules and principles are determined in a way that does not allow for distortions such as addition to or incompleteness for the Qur'an and this has been dealt with an uninterrupted chain to the Prophet and the companions. In this science, which examines the number of the letters, words, verses and surahs in the Qur'an, Islamic scholars have dealt with this issue in detail and put forward different opinions. Although the number 6666 stands out generally, this is not an accurate number and the exact number of verses in available Muṣḥaf is 6236. The Companions, the successors and later scholars have expressed different views. From the Companions, Ali (d. 40/661) gave the number 6236 as well as Abdullah Ibn al-Mes'ud (d. 32/652) 6218, Ubeyy b. Ka'b (d. 33/654) 6210 and Abdullah Ibn Abbas (d. 68/687) 6216. The number given by Ali is equal to the number for available Mushaf in our hands. From the successors, Sa'id b. Jubeyr (d. 95/714) gave the number 6216 as well as Muhammed İbn Sîrîn (d. 110/729) 6216, Atâ İbn Abû Rebâh (d. 115/732) 6177 and Humeyd al-Tavîl (d. 142/759) 6212. Among the imams of Qira'at, the Medinan with the number 6127, the Mekkan with 6219, the Basran with 6205, the Kufan with 6236, and Damascene with 6220 gave their different opinions. There are not disputes in all 114 surahs, but only in 75 ones. However, there is no discussion in the verse numbers of some surahs, only a discussion about which verses are detached within the same text. There are some reasons for the different opinions. Recitations made by the Prophet (pbuh) in the teaching of the Qur'an or in some events that occurred may be one of the main reasons for the dispute in the number of verses. Because, in all these, Prophet taught the places for waqf. Over time, The Prophet was reading some verses with wasl. The Companion, who witnessed this situation, believed that this reading, which was made by combining several verses, was only a single verse. As a result, different numbers were reported in the narrations of the Companions. Whether basmalahs and al-Hurûf al-Muqatta'a at the beginning of the suras were regarded as a separate verse also caused different views about the number of verses. In addition to these reasons, it was another reason for the dispute regarding the number of verses that some verses going as a single verse in Mushafs we have were counted as more than one verse or the fact that some verses in a single unit are combined and counted as one verse. Because Qiraat studies concentrated more in Mecca, Madinah, Kufa, Basra and Damascus in the first centuries, some of al-qurras became famous in the towns where they lived and came to mind with the names of these towns. When evaluating verse numbers, these cities were mentioned instead of these al-qurras. Madaniyy al-Awwal and Madaniyy al-Akhir came to mind with the word al-Madani as well as Madinah and Makkah with al-Hijaz; Basrah and Kufah with Iraq; Madinah and Makka with al-Haramiyy and also Damascus and al-Hımsiyy with al-Şham. al-Jaberi accepted "al-Himsiyy" as a separate school. Our scholars have written different works related to the number of verses since the early periods. However, the works written by Abu Amr al-Dânî and Burhân al-Din el-Jaberî about this subject have been accepted as the main source by our scholars and their views on the number of verses have always been in the foreground. In this article, we will take into account, by utilizing also other related works, the two prominent works in this field, al-Bayan fi 'Add Ay al-Quran by al-Dani and Husn al-Madad fi Fenn al-'Aded by al-Jaberi, and evaluate the disputes in the number of verses, and will state the verses in question one by one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As its orders and prohibitions are placed to be implemented, religion is an issue that needs education. Hence, religion education both glorifies individuals and societies in terms of ethic and it serves basic role like an engine in social, political and economic developments. In this context, all societies have paid attention to religious education and have created institutions and organizations to provide this education. When we look at its historical process, religious education which started in Daru'l-Erkam, Mecca before hegira and Ashab-ı Suffe, Medina after hegira continued by turning into an institution with Islamic monasteries, zawiya and madrasa. Today, it is carried out by mosques, Quran courses, Imam Hatip schools, Seminaries, Faculties of Islamic Theology and Faculties of Education. The role of fiqh in religious education is a fact which continues from birth to death. Religion reminds to recite the adhan to right ear and iqama to the left ear when a child is born, to order prayer when they are seven, to be punished if they do not perform prayer when they are ten. It pronounces the judgments of actions in life. It declares the funeral with prayers in time of death. So everyone who wants to lead a religious life has to learn his/ her religion. Fiqh is the discipline which regulates the practice of religion. To observe the orders of religion is only possible with the knowledge of fiqh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alustath is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Çukurova Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi (CUIFD) is the property of Cukurova Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi (CUIFD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent Qur'anic scholarship emphasises a distinction between a Meccan and a Medinan Qur'an. In addition to the doctrinal and literary particularities that set Medinan suras apart, scholars underline the failure of Muḥammad to convert his people and the despair exhibited by his followers in Later Meccan suras. In contrast, the Medinan suras depict a successful, socially and politically engaged leader of a growing and strong religious community. This paper addresses literary and content-related developments in Later Meccan suras and demonstrates that our perceptions of a passive messenger in Mecca and an active leader in Medina, and of the emergence of a self-assured community only in Medina, have to be reconsidered. Later Meccan suras depict a contest over the interpretative dominance of the empirical world which ultimately strengthens the authority of Muḥammad and consolidates the emerging group of Followers. They exhibit intertwined developments of literary strategies such as argumentation patterns or parabolic speech, and intensive reflections on notions such as perception and knowledge. Whereas the first part of this paper examines these processes, the second part focusses on the growing importance of the figure of Abraham, a decisive turn to local heritage and the development of liturgical formulas and ethical norms. The exploration and understanding of these textual dynamics are indispensable for understanding the genesis of both Meccan and Medinan suras. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Çukurova Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi (CUIFD) is the property of Cukurova Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi (CUIFD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent Qur'anic scholarship emphasises a distinction between a Meccan and a Medinan Qur'an. In addition to the doctrinal and literary particularities that set Medinan suras apart, scholars underline the failure of Muḥammad to convert his people and the despair exhibited by his followers in Later Meccan suras. In contrast, the Medinan suras depict a successful, socially and politically engaged leader of a growing and strong religious community. This paper approaches literary and content-related developments in Later Meccan suras and demonstrates that our perceptions of a passive messenger in Mecca and an active leader in Medina, and of the emergence of a self-assured community only in Medina, have to be reconsidered. Later Meccan suras depict a contest over the interpretative dominance of the empirical world which ultimately strengthens the authority of Muḥammad and consolidates the emerging group of Followers. They exhibit intertwined developments of literary strategies such as argumentation patterns or parabolic speech, and intensive reflections on notions such as perception and knowledge. Whereas the first part of this paper examines these processes, the second part focuses on the growing importance of the figure of Abraham, a decisive turn to local heritage and the development of liturgical formulas and ethical norms. The exploration and understanding of these textual dynamics are indispensable for understanding the genesis of both Meccan and Medinan suras. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of College of Education / Wasit is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Fudayl bin Iyad, who was one of the pioneering Sufis in the first layer after Tabi'un (also known as Tabi' al-Tabi'in, the generation after the Tabi'un in Islam. Tabi'un are the people who followed Sahaba, the companions of the prophet), is one of the important names in the history of Islamic science. Fudayl, who was an Arab, spent his life in three regions: Khorasan, Kufa, and Mecca. Names such as Abu Hanifa, Mansur bin Mu'temir, Ata bin Saib, Abu Muhammad al-A'mes, and Sufyan es-Sevri are among the masters of Fudayl who spent his Kufa years with intensive education. Among the students of Fudayl, who was brought up by the influential figures of Islamic history, some important names such as Sufyan bin Uyeyne, Abdullah bin Mubarak, and Al-Shafi'i should also be mentioned. Fudayl, considered one of the leading scholars of the time, also prominent with Sufism. In this study, not the Sufi aspect of Fudayl, but rather the scientific aspect will be discussed. Defending the integrity of science and deeds, Fudayl saw the science that does not lead to deeds as useless and unnecessary. Furthermore, he took deeds as a part of faith and did not accept faith without them. Fudayl, who arranged his spiritual life under the guidance of science, predicated it on the integrity of the Qur'an and the Sunnah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is disagreement as to whether Sūrat al-Insān (Q 76) is partly or entirely Meccan or Medinan. There is also disagreement about the identity of the "human being" (insān) mentioned at the beginning: is this a reference to Adam or to the human species? The contention that the sūrah is Medinan is supported by traditions rather than by the text of the sūrah itself or its chief topics. Conversely, Ibn ʿĀshūr and Amīn Iṣlāḥī have presented thematic readings of the sūrah and maintained that it is Meccan, on topical and stylistic grounds. This article commences by surveying what the Islamic tradition has to say about the revelation of the sūrah and about the identity of the "human being" concerned. This is followed by the readings of Ibn ʿĀshūr and Amīn Iṣlāḥī. The article undertakes an analysis of the sūrah's composition according to the theory of ring structure and also the theory of sūrah pairing. The article arrives at the following conclusions: (1) The sūrah is Meccan and constitutes a coherent unity composed of three sections. It displays concentric symmetry in the inverted form ABA', and its principal topics are summoning unbelieving humans to be thankful to God prior to the day of judgement and the fate awaiting them should they be ungrateful for God's favors. The sūrah also calls attention to the this-worldly actions of those who are righteous and grateful and sets out their rewards in the world to come. (2) From a rhetorical and thematic perspective, the sūrah is linked to the Meccan Sūrat al-Qiyāmah (Q 75), insofar as the latter references the same "human being," the Qurʾān, and the reality of creation and the resurrection. This pairing confirms that Sūrat al-Insān is Meccan in its entirety. (3) The sūrah under discussion has an intimate rhetorical and topical link with Sūrat al-Muzzammil (Q 73) and Sūrat al-Muddaththir (Q 74) and is connected to the topics treated in those sūrahs that precede it diachronically. The sūrah provides a glimpse at the stance the Messenger vis-à-vis revelation and the opposition he faced from his addressees. (4) Topics such as prayer and feeding the needy point to the fact that the Qurʾān is preoccupied with the issue of virtuous action and righteousness from an early point in time. In this early period, the qurʾānic message was called a "reminder" (tadhkirah). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study involves a presentation and analysis of repeated phrases, or doublets, in the Qurʾān. I identify twenty-nine doublets of at least nine words (allowing for minor variation), the great majority of which are complete verses, found in different sūrahs. To provide a methodological framework for the analysis of these doublets I consider the history of scholarship on doublets in the Synoptic Gospels, distinguishing between harmonizing interpretations and the classifications of redactional and source doublets. With four exceptions (Meccan-Medinan doublets), the units making up qurʾānic doublets are both found within sūrahs traditionally identified as Meccan (Meccan-Meccan doublets) or both found within sūrahs traditionally identified as Medinan (Medinan-Medinan doublets). This distribution suggests the existence of pre-canonical texts, most likely one with Meccan material and one with Medinan material, which produced the doublets within each qurʾānic subcorpus. That Meccan-Medinan doublets are so rare suggests that repeated material in the Qurʾān is not always due to a process of repeating or re-composition (where an earlier qurʾānic phrase is redeployed, and possibly reshaped, for a later passage) but instead due to the redaction of discrete, pre-canonical texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

James A. Bellami is one of the orientalists thinking that there are some mistakes in Quran`s text; He believes that textual criticism must be applied to the Qur'an to remove it`s corruptions and produce a text the possibly nearest to original text. For example, In the article “More proposed emendations to the text of the Koran”, he claims that There are two major problems in the story of Shuaib, first, the form of his name, and second, the identity of the Ashab al-aykah. Given the existence of oral sources for the Qur'an, Bellami considers the Torah as the only source of the proper name of the "Shuaib" and the identity of the " the Ashab al-aykah ". For this reason, it is only by finding several common features in verses 13 through 17 of the Isaiah:21(the prophecy of Isaiah in Arabic) during the Old Testament and the story of Shuaib in the Qur'an, he claims that, firstly, the story of Shuaib derives from the Isaiah Prophecy about the Arabs (Isaiah 21: 13-17); secondly, “Shuaib” is mistaken with “Sh’aia” (spelled with final alif), the Arabic form of “Isaiah” ; thirdly Ashab al-aykah” in the Qur'an is the same Dedanite merchants in In Isa. 21:13-17. The importance of surveying Bellami’s claims is that the results of them are, at least, the emphasis on the receipt of the Qur'an from the Bible, creating doubt in the realism of the historical stories of Quran and the failure to believe in the non-distortion of the Qur'an. The critique of his interpretive claims can cast doubt on this results. so, in this research, Bellami's views on Shuaib and Ashab al-aykah, as well as his reasons, are examined in five sections. The first part is devoted to Bellami's claim to the word "Shuaib". Bellami claimed that he did not find "Shuaib" in Hebrew and Aramaic languages and ancient Arabic inscriptions, so there was no such name before the Qur'an was descended. Secondly, Shuaib has no suitable etymology and meaning for a man’s name. After examining the word "Shuaib" and its root, it became clear that - contrary to Bellami's claim - the word "Shuaib" has the correct etymology in Arabic, and the absence of the word "Shuaib" and above that the root of the "sha’b" in Hebrew and Aramic, not only is not evidence of Bellami's claims about "shuaib", but also amplifies that the root of the "sha’b" and the word "Shuaib" are Arabic. Another result is that - contrary to the claim of Bellami - the name "Shuaib" has proper meaning and form for the men's name. Because according to Arab culture from pre-Islam times to now, using of a diminutive form of words and also making names for men from the root "sha’b" have been commonplace for men. Existance of some men whose name were from the root of the "Sha’b" (like Ash’ab) and those who had the name "Shuaib", before the Quran descends, can present good evidances for this claim . Also, analysis the different meanings of the word "Shuaib" indicate that this word has proper meanings for men. Another consequence is that the absence of "Shuaib" in ancient Arabic inscriptions does not necessarily means that this name is not denied among the Arabs, as evidenced other sources, other than inscriptions, that this name can be found in pre-Islam Arabs. Even if it is assumed that there is no man named Shuaib before the Quran descends, the Shuaib of the Arabic translation may be the name or the title of this great Prophet, chosen and used by the Holy Qur'an for the first time. Therefore, the lack of this name in the inscriptions can not be a reason for the incorrect transcription of the term. In the second section, the possibility of the wrongfulness of transcription of "Shuaib" was considered. To make this mistake, Bellami considers two hypotheses probable. For Example, his first assumption is that the name "Shuaib" was derived from scriber's mistake during the writing of the Qur'an (In the time of Abu-Bakr or Uthman) and its principle had been "Sh’aia". However, due to several reasons the incorrect transcription of this word is almost impossible; such as :1- word of "Shuaib" had been custom at the time of Qur'an's descent and before that ; 2- The Shuaib's story and name had been repeated during the gradual descent of Quran in the Meccan and Madnian Surahs; hence Muslims had been reading and repeating It during the gradual descent of the Qur'an; 3- Because Recitement, teaching and keeping of the verses had been common practice, the Shuaib's story and name repeated in the Muslim's ear many times; 4- The Quran had been written in particular manner, in the presence of witnesses and dictators . In the third section, the feasibility of Bellami's claim for the adaptation of Shuaib's story of "Isaiah's prophecy concerning the Arabs" was investigated. The result is that due to the fundamental differences in the subject, the wisdom and details of the story of Shuaib and Isaiah, such as personality, history, place of residence, ethnicity, type and cause of torment, etc., the oral translation of Shuaib's story of the prophecy of Isaiah about Arab is not logical. In the fourth section, Bellami's claim Based on the similarity of the Ashab al-aykah and Dedanite merchants is studied. The result of the study is that although both of them lived on the trade road to Mecca, but there was no justification and evidence to match Dedan with Aykah. In one of his articles on reforming the Quranic vocabulary, Bellami has state his standards.In the fifth part, it was shown that the change of the word "Shuaib" to "Sh’aia" is not consistent with the standards of text correction provided by Mr. Bellami himself. For example, among the Bellami criteria, the modified text should make a better meaning than the existing one, but changing the word "Shuaib" to "Sh’aia", firstly, eliminates the semantic proportion of the name of the Prophet with his story; secondly, The text and the interpretation of Isaiah's Prophecy on the Arabs itself has some ambiguities; thus, not only the change of Shuaib to Sh’aia does not caused better meaning maked, but also it obscures the explicit and understandable story of Shuaib. Another Bellami's criterion is that the modified word should be in accordance with the style of the Qur'an; however, the change of Shuaib to "Sh’aia" is inconsistent with the style of the Quranic verses in which mentioned the names of the prophets in their historical order. Another criterion is that the word correction should be historically justifiable. To absence of Shuaib's story in the Bible, Mr. Bellami considers it non-historic. But, this can not be a convincing reason for denial reality of Shuaib's story. The existence of the ruins of the "Maghair Shuaib" and "Ayla", which are coherent with the Qur'anic verses in terms of space and time, regarding the people of Shuaib, can be a good historical evidence for the existence of a person called "Shuaib" and his story in reality. In this way, the analysis of Bellami's claims showed that none of his claims was correct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After reading the whole books and find out the interpretation, there were various sayings, the meanings and interpretations of the verses of Quran. The reader does not have the capability to select correct and incorrect. He does not know what to do about the various interpretations. At first the people of Mecca knew the status of Revelation; they do not need to explain that revelation, because it was their native language while the Prophet (S.A.W) explains it in detail. After the earlier periods, it was necessary to adapt some rules to know the correct sayings, that rules were already include the Quran itself, in the Sunnah, in the Quranic Sciences, in the books of fundamentals of Jurisprudence, and in the books of Quranic Sciences. Later on, however, wrote the books as contemporary independent science as such as book of Husain Al Harbi named ر ين) س مف ل قوا عد ا لترجيح عند ا ) and book written by Khalid Al Sabbath named معا و د ر ا سةًً) ج قوا عد ا لتفسير ).These rules of preference are most important as with the help of these rules, the books of interpretation can be clarified from incorrect sayings. These rules are various, including, related to Quranic text, Sunnah, the views of Companions, the evidence, or related to the linguistics of Arabs. The preference proves the strength of a saying or strengthens an aspect than others through rules of preference. One of the objectives of this research is that the rules of preference can distinguish between correct and incorrect interpretation. The researcher recommended attention to these rules of preference and to study it as a separate subject to get full benefit from the books of interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Çukurova Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi (CUIFD) is the property of Cukurova Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi (CUIFD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is based in the study of Pragmatics, taking as its starting point the role of the speaker as an agent in the act of communication, and his communicative intent. It will explore occurrences of imperative forms of ṣ-b-r in the Qur'anic text in order to establish its meaning and purpose when used in the imperative (khiṭāb al-amr). During the research for this study it became clear that ṣabr is a specific concept that has its own significance and distinguishing features, and that it plays a prominent and varied role in the Text. Imperatives derived from ṣ-b-r occur in three forms (namely iṣbir, ṣābir, iṣṭabir), each of which has its own characteristics and stylistic and rhetorical connotations. They primarily occur in the Meccan Qur'an, and are mainly used in passages discussing issues of faith, accounts of the creation of the Heavens and the Earth, or in passages that speak of the Arabs and their reception of Muḥammad's initial prophetic mission while in Mecca. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of The Iraqi University is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The killing of animals in the context of religious ritual seems to have virtually disappeared during Late Antiquity, and the development of rabbinic Judaism might suggest that a religion focused on texts and their interpretation stands at the opposite pole to one that has a central sanctuary with a sacrificial ritual at its center. How and why, then, did Islam come to maintain the fundamental importance of both institutions: of scripture (the Qur͗ān and other texts) and of rituals involving animal offerings associated with its sanctuary in Mecca? This question involves both the origins and early history of the institutions, and why and how they maintained their importance and relevance later on. As for their origins, it is suggested that both need to be thought of as the result of historical developments that extended beyond the time of the Prophet and that while the sanctuary and its rituals reflect the Arabian identity asserted by Islam, the scripture responds more to the needs of Islam as it developed outside Arabia. Regarding their continuing relevance, that of the scripture does not seem problematic, whereas that of the central sanctuary and its rituals does. Two developments concerning the latter are discussed here. First, there is the way in which the ḥajj came to be, not merely associated with, but very much focused on the Ka͑bah. Secondly, it is suggested that the animal offerings involve a redefinition of the concept of sacrifice towards the maintenance of social bonds and charitable giving. Finally, it is suggested that in Islam scripture and central sanctuary may work in opposite ways to promote cohesion and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some of the nineteenth century's foremost scholars of the Qur'an and hadiths were German and Hungarian Jews. For many of them, their scholarly interest in Islam was entangled with their contemporary concerns about movements of reform and emancipation in European Jewry and about the history of Jews' relations with Christians and Muslims. Abraham Geiger, one of the founders of the reform movement, which sought to modernize Judaism by simplifying its ritual and making it more amenable to European society, was also a scholar of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Geiger presented Muhammad as a brilliant reformer who had learned his monotheism from Talmudic scholars and subsequently adapted it to his Arab audience. Geiger's Muhammad was in essence a Jewish reformer: not strictly a Jew, to be sure, but nonetheless a better Jew than Geiger's Orthodox Jewish critics. Other Jewish scholars (in particular, Gustav Weil and Ignác Goldziher) embraced and refined this image of the Muslim prophet as a model for Jewish reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article it is argued that the Qibla passages in the Qur'an, which are commonly understood as referring to the direction of the prayer, are directly engaging with and interpreting the Shema' passages in Deuteronomy and their Talmudic commentaries. By defining and applying the method of intertextual polysemy, nine points of intertextuality are identified between the various Quranic, Biblical, and Talmudic passages. Against this background, the article implies that narrations from traditional Quranic commentaries are lacking in their interpretation of these passages, since they do not employ any extra-Quranic contexts to explain their meaning. Through the method of intertextual polysemy, the alternative thesis propounded here is that the historical reference for the Qibla passages is the Shemaʿ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Prophet Muhammad's first revelation, he managed to take major steps in spreading Islam. This article discusses the role and personality of the Holy Prophet (s) during the early days of his mission. The type of research methodology employed in this paper is descriptive-analytic, and the historical data presented has been collected from first-hand sources. Some of the key strategies employed by the Holy Prophet (s) were: reforming and training righteous people committed to the cause of Islam; to enhance the level of awareness and insight of the early converts to Islam; having good conduct and spiritual personality; patience, perseverance and resistance in the face of difficulties and obstacles; revealing the Holy Qur'an, the miracle of the Holy Prophet (s); communicating and dialogue with the opponents; conforming his actions with his speech; focusing on the aim and accuracy in planning; creating devoted manpower out of the youth in Mecca; and seeking assistance from Allah (s) to overcome the obstacles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The candle of Islam has been facing the heavy storms since its inception. Thousands of windstorms had blown to blow off this candle and thousands of efforts have been done to destroy the ship of Islam but every storm had to change its direction after colliding with this mountain. There was not a single tactic of barbarianism that had not been applied against the Muslims of Makkah. The non-believers and Jews of Madinah had tried their level best to apply every kind of tactics to stop the spread of Islam. But the message of Islam was supposed to approach every corner of the world and it continued and within a span of less than a century it gained full control over the two continents and started knocking at the doors of Europe. The forces which especially became the hurdles in the way of Islam were Jews and Nusranis. These forces have been continuously fighting against Islam for the last 1400 years. They fought against Islam with sword as well as other means but in every field defeat was their destiny. These continuous defeats against Islam have always enhanced the enmity against it. The tactic to spoil the shape of Islam in order to lessen its worth in the hearts of Muslims was the most dangerous tactic. The conspiracies of Jews against Islam have been in progress since beginning but with the materialistic development of Europe, the Islamic enmity became a science and the conspiracies adopted a very heinous shape. The people who took the responsibility to spoil the image of Islam and Prophet Muhammad (SAW) in the name of educational research are called Oriental. The need arises over here Before answering the objections of Oriental we need to have a look on the history of this movement, its aims and objectives, its way of attack and the causes which affected the Muslims, so that the readers could clearly get the background of these objections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1How do Muslims in South Africa recount the experience of pilgrimage? This paper considers the genre of oral and written South African hajj narratives and reflects on the insights they hold about Muslim subjectivity and history in South Africa. Pilgrimage is a complex theme, or, as Barbara Cooper (1999) phrases it, ‘the hajj presents an immensely complex “ethnoscope” of human movement of tremendous historical depth’ (p. 103). In this article, I take a literary and historical rather than sociological or quantitative approach to the topic of the hajj and examine one of the earliest published accounts of the hajj from the Cape – that of Hajji Mahmoud Mobarek Churchward, who performed the hajj in 1910, along with oral testimonies about pilgrimage by ship in the 1950s and recently published accounts of pilgrimage by Na’eem Jeenah and Shamima Shaikh (2000), Rayda Jacobs (2005) and Rashid Begg (2011). In my analysis I consider the nature of the self and the voice, the relation of the spiritual to the quotidian, and the place of South Africa and South Africanness in these accounts. The article reveals that South African pilgrimage narratives are deeply compelling as an autobiographical practice and as an historical archive. They relate the universality of Islamic religious observance with the particularity of South Africa’s political and social realities in a seamless and illuminating nexus. I therefore argue that the hajj narrative as literary form offers new insights about the relation of the sacred and the profane, nation and religion, and gender and authenticity in South African Muslim life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim of this article whose name is "The Necessity of Reflection Historical Datas on Quran Ttanslation" is to evaulate the effect of parenthetical additions on understanding for Quran translation easily. Some verses of the Quran which is related religious pilgrimage was selected and by this way goal is to get attention probable understandig deficiencies for translation which do not reflect historical datas to translation and focus on whether the effect of translations with paranthetical additions on reflection of understandig is successful or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Quran 2: 127 Ibrāhīm founded "the house" (most probably) a reference to the Kaʿba) together with his son Ismāʿīl This scene does not appear in the Bible and none of the attempts to find a literary precedent for it are satisfactory. This paper argues that this scene reflects post-biblical traditions concerning Genesis 22. The argument is based on a comparison of the Quran, quranic commentaries, rabbinic sources and Syriac homilies on Gen. 22. After suggesting an origin for the story, the paper analyses the ways in which the Quran adapted and appropriated the story to its needs. The replacement of Isaac with Ismāʿīl is a central point addressed in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the passage at Q. 6:136-53 in the Súrat al-An Cám. The author's analysis of the Qur'an's text suggests its legislatively minimalist tendency. Against the background of a group of related passages and with regard to its setting in Sura 6, the passage has been examined for its doctrinal content. It tells a mildly antinomian trend in the theology of the Qur'an's late Meccan period.

A modem Indian Qur'anic exegete, Hamīd al-Dīn al-Farāhī (d. 1930), offers what amounts to a completely new interpretation of the 105th sura of the Qur'an. Subjecting the traditionally received interpretation to a series of criticisms on historical and linguistic -- and also theological -- grounds, he argues that, upon their arrival in Mecca, the troops of Abraha faced active resistance from the city's residents, who, being unable to engage the invaders in the open, retreated to the mountains, from where they fought a sort of guerrilla war against Abraha's troops, pelting them with stones (the abābīl or birds of verse 3, therefore, were not the ones that threw stones at the troops); that the abābīl were birds of prey that came in after Abraha's defeat to devour the corpses of the invaders; and that the heaps of pebbles at which the pilgrims to Mecca throw stones commemorate the battle, representing as they do the various positions at which Abraha's forces sustained significant losses at the hands of the Arabs. āhī supports his case by making a close analysis of the Qur'anic text and by citing a large amount of pre-Islamic verse. The paper will argue that both the methodology used and the conclusions drawn by Farāhī deserve serious scholarly attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses aspects of the Hijrah, which is migration or exodus of the Prophet Muhammad. He tells how the hijrah is projected in the history of Islam and Qur'an as migration from Mecca to Abyssinia. He also analyzes the message of hijrah to the Muslims which includes the test of faith , transformation, and sense of abandonment.