Search

One conflict zone that has experienced multiple but differentiated impacts of peacekeeping economies is the Mano River Union (MRU) area. Comprising Liberia, Sierra Leone and Côte d'Ivoire, it provides the empirical evidence for the analysis in this article. Two major questions form the basis of the discussions. First, how do the mandate, size, and composition of a peacekeeping operation affect the evolution of the peacekeeping economy? Secondly, how do these peacekeeping economies serve as channels of inclusion and exclusion in host societies? This article argues that the peacekeeping economies that emerged in these three states created new hierarchies of inclusion for those who managed to engage with the new economic realities and opportunities, and exclusion of those who lost out on the opportunities. Specifically, the article argues that—while peacekeeping economies mean increased income, mobility and opportunity for some locals (women in particular) among the lower-waged—the peacekeeping economy ‘system’ is set up to reward those who already have the most. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite increased international attention to managing the potential impacts of peacekeeping on host countries, unintended consequences continue to emerge. This article focuses particularly on the alternative economies that peacekeeping operations generate and the differential economic impacts on individuals who come into contact with peacekeepers. Based on empirical evidence derived from fieldwork in Liberia, the article highlights the everyday lives of women whose livelihoods have been affected by the presence of peacekeeping missions. It also discusses how such economies adjust during the peacekeeping drawdown phase, and explores the dynamics that such economies have on specific segments of the Liberian population. The argument is that, while peacekeeping economies are critical in stimulating the local economy and providing livelihoods during and in the immediate aftermath of war, they have negative unintended impacts that need mitigation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Africa Spectrum is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

To the residents of the target community, humanitarian intervention connotes an act of benevolence, which will ease their suffering and ensure the protection of human rights. However, such interventions and the eventual conduct of troops, no matter how well meaning, rarely produce this outcome. Liberia and Somalia are just two examples. This article, through an analysis of the ECOMOG intervention in Liberia, examines the human rights issues brought about in 'humanitarian missions', particularly in instances of peacekeeping and peace enforcement. It argues that there are inherent contradictions in peace enforcement operations and efforts to protect human rights and that the institutional set-up of the organisation authorising these operations will determine the extent to which human rights violations can be curbed. The article discusses the impact of the ECOMOG operations on human rights in Liberia and how the institutional values of the parent organisation, ECOWAS, affected the conduct of the troops. It concludes with a discussion on prospects for institutionalising human rights protocols under ECOWAS in national legislation of member states, to guide future military operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the strategies initiated by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to elicit compliance with its disarmament policies from belligerents in Liberia's 1989-96 civil conflict. I propose to tackle the task within a linked and holistic four-fold approach. First, I situate ECOWAS's intervention in Liberia from 1990 to 1997 within the changing context of international perceptions of multilateral organisation involvement in civil wars. ECOWAS's intervention had different diplomatic phases. The first phase under the Standing Mediation Committee lasted from May 1990-June 1991, The Committee of Five Process from June 1991-August 1992, and the Committee of Nine Process from September 1993-July 1997. Second, I analyse the background for the collapse and the dynamics which fuelled the war in Liberia. Third, I make an empirical analysis of ECOWAS's strategies to elicit compliance from faction groups. I conclude by discussing the impact and lessons of ECOWAS's strategies in Liberia. My argument is that ECOWAS's capability to elicit compliance from faction groups as opposed to state actors was limited partly because ECOWAS was not geared towards dealing with these new kinds of actors, that the nature of international relations does not have 'room' to consider the interests and demands presented by such actors, and that the normal forms of sanctions and 'corrective' measures applied against states in interstate relations are not always effective when applied to faction groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The major rationale of this article is to contribute to the increasing body of gender studies dealing with the role of African women in societal issues. The basic concerns, however, are to analyse the character and nature of assignments performed by women in the Liberian and Sierra Leonean crises. I seek to explore these roles by moving away from the traditional essentialist perspectives which define some of these studies. Rather, the approach stresses the issue of 'militarisation' because the term is more encompassing; it takes into consideration the role of women in recruitment drives, extension of financial assistance to diverse factional groups, and not least their diverse roles in the Peace and Reconstruction Processes. Finally, through interviews, the article seeks to give ordinary women a voice, by describing the various survival strategies employed during these two conflicts. The major conclusion from this tentative study is the need for more empirical research to cover the diverse activities undertaken by women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]