Search

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature maintains that not all populisms are equal. Some are seen as projects of regeneration or democratisation because they would incorporate an excluded people; others are movements that would weaken democracy by promoting exclusion (xenophobia and racism). The former is "left-wing populism" while the latter is "right-wing populism". This paper shows that what is central to populism is its model of democracy, not whether it is situated on the right or the left. To do this, an evaluation is made of the democratic balance of populisms in three countries in Europe (Austria, France and Hungary) and three in Latin America (Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela). As will be shown, those of the right have no more contributed to the destruction of democracy than those on the left may be presented as democratising successes; but all represent a profound challenge to liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe is likely to be among the losers, Latin America among the (relative) winners in the global financial crisis. Europe's expected loss of power and a more crisis- resistant Latin America under Brazilian leadership mean that for the first time dialog is possible on equal terms. The changing international positions of the two regions calls for new ways of thinking beyond the traditional North-South and inter-regional approaches, which no longer correspond to the prevailing relationship patterns. Even the notion that Europe could counterbalance the USA in Latin America has proved to be an illusion. Rather Latin America is courting new economic partners, such as China and Russia, and has used the eight-year political detachment from Washington as a regional emancipation process. Inter-regional relations are likely to stagnate in the next few years owing to the recession in Europe. Only the middle-sized power Spain will be able to maintain its involvement in culturally akin Latin America and use the Ibero-American Community of Nations as a platform for improving its international influence. Regarding the next summit, to be held in Spain in 2010, the EU should approach Latin America not as an object of development policy, but as a global partner in the construction of a new, fairer world order. Latin American and European consensus is unlikely on controversial issues such as expansion of the UN Security Council or the stagnating WTO Doha Round, but augurs well in relation to climate protection, promotion of democracy and human rights, and approaching reform of the international financial system within the framework of the G-20. Brazil, as a future regional and, potentially, global power is, like Mexico, a privileged partner of the EU. The change of government in the White House will also facilitate closer relations with the USA, where Latin America, because of immigration and economic interdependence - as in the case of Spain - has become both a domestic and a foreign policy issue. As Latin America's closest partners, Spain and the USA have established strategic partnerships with Brazil and Mexico. The long-standing »problem case« of Cuba, as well as Bolivia and Venezuela, may well prove to be the first test cases of the »transatlantic quartet« of Brazil, Mexico, Spain, and the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]