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There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the framework of a military reform plan endorsed by the Argentine government, this article explores the conditions in which military forces operate around the world. It analyzes the transformations triggered by the so-called "new wars" in the military, and how they operate in Latin America. These trends go against the grain of the changes enforced since 1988. It seems reasonable to reflect upon the aim of the reform, which necessarily should take into account the functions that the military institution must fulfill. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constituting a common market among Latin American countries is an ambitious project, which has faced some fruitless previous attempts. The bases set in the constitution of the ALADI by the Treaty of Montevideo of 1980 were then recaptured in the Treaty of Asuncion of March 26 19991, when finally the Common Market of the South (Mercosur) was constituted. In spite of the impulse it has received, there is still a long way to go. Different state reforms, with rhythms and stabilization plans of their own, have taken place within some of the member countries. Despite these divergences, the external situation suggests the Mercosur has to offer a united front to the different problematic situations emerging from the new commercial agreements, in particular, those related to the ALCA. Joint proposals do not imply common implementations, even though their occurrence would strengthen the integration process. It is necessary to provide assistance to the power relationships and objectives pertaining to each of the state members. Given the remarkable asymmetry among the countries' economic powers, it is imperious to reinforce the institutional mechanisms of the Mercosur so as to guarantee the visibility of the group in the international scenario. This is an essential issue, given the mobility of the actors of power and the new space configurations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]