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In Daniel 7 the 'Son of Man coming with the clouds' appears to move toward (or within) heaven. In the apocalyptic discourses Jesus has the Son of Man moving in the opposite direction to earth, traditionally understood as the Second Coming. Resolutions of the discrepancy include arguing that Daniel 7 refers to Jesus's ascension, that the Synoptics use Daniel's language to refer to a coming in judgement against Jerusalem in A.D. 70, others suggest evolutionary developments in the early church or a mistaken Jesus. This article suggests Jesus's use of Daniel reflects a close exegetical reading of the text. There is no discrepancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study of a current current in biblical research surveys and appraises an interpretative trend that associates future-oriented Son of Man sayings in Luke's Gospel with the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 ce. After contextualizing this interpretative tradition, the views of several recent advocates of this interpretative trend are surveyed and compared. Subsequently, a means of appraising this interpretative stance is proposed, which involves discussion of two sets of Lukan passages: first, four pericopes in which the destruction of Jerusalem is clearly referenced or implied (Lk. 13:31–35; 19:41–44; 21:20–24; and 23:26–31); and second, a series of passages containing future-oriented Son of Man sayings, with special reference to the key Son of Man saying in Lk. 21:27. The upshot of this survey and appraisal is that no future-oriented Son of Man saying in Luke's Gospel plausibly relates to Jerusalem's destruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tlie conquest of Jerusalem by the Crusaders was a harsh and unexpected blow to the Islamic community, a calamity that immediately generated reactions ranging from grieving, to providentialism and calls for jihad. The purpose of this article is to briefly examine the discourse regarding the reconquest of Jerusalem articulated after the fall of al-Quds until its recovery by Saladin in 1187. I will also look at how these discursive strategies intertwine with other phenomena, such as the re-sacralization of Jerusalem and the Holy Land, jihad, and the process known as the "Sunni Revival". Likewise, special attention will be paid to the eschatological dimension that these reconquest-related lines of discourse featured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the aims of Charles VIII's Italian expedition, the reappropriation of the kingdoms of Naples and Jerusalem served as the main purpose for preparing the decisive crusade that would regain Jerusalem to Christianity. However, the connection established by several early modern sources between Charles VIII's claims to the kingdom of Naples and the expedition to the Levant had already been expressed in previous centuries in very similar terms. Also, in the case of Charles I of Anjou in the thirteenth century, the acquisition of the kingdom of Sicily was perceived as a necessary precondition for setting military campaigns aiming at recovering Constantinople and Jerusalem. The same pattern appears also in Benzo of Alba's Ad Heinricum imperatorem (eleventh century), where the pacification of Southern Italy is presented as the first step towards the reunification of the Constantinopolitan empire and the conquest of Jerusalem under the rule of Henry IV. The paper intends to shed light on a geographical pattern that periodically emerges in various iterations of crusading (and pre-crusading) propaganda (very often intertwined with prophetic expectations) which implied a tight interconnection between the recovery of the Holy Land and the unification of the orbis christianus under one universal ruler. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period of the Crusades has often been considered as an epoch of eschatological fervor for the Christians who participated to this enterprise, a mission that aimed to reconquer the holy places from the Muslims. Such a zeal, however, did not affect only Christians, but also the Jewish communities that lived in Europe, in the Byzantine empire and in the Holy Land. This paper focuses on the Jewish literary production during the Crusades, aiming to demonstrate that the eschatological texts were functional in order to explain persecutions, battles, clash of civilizations and religions. These happenings were interpreted as events anticipating the final era, the time of the advent of the Messiah(s) who would gather the exiles, redeem the Jewish people, reconquer Jerusalem and restore the supremacy of Israel. In other words, this period of crisis was understood as a sequence of events that were part of a divine plan leading to the redemption of Israel. The texts that are taken in consideration are Aggadat Mašiah, The Prayer of R. Šim'on b. Yoh'ai and 'Otot ha- Mašiah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Many researchers accept that the Gospel of Mark is apocalyptic, which necessitates the need to determine whether Mark 13's eschatological discourse represents an apocalypse. Setting: The question of whether the early church utilised an apocalyptic worldview is widely discussed in scholarly circles. Methods: The article utilises a form-critical and syntactical analysis of the text of Mark 13. Results: Mark 13 is deliberately written in a mode displaying several apocalyptic features. The text engages the present crisis situation when Roman authorities quelled Roman resistance by destroying parts of Jerusalem, including the Temple, in response to the question of whether the present crisis indicates the end of the present aeon and the introduction of a new world. Conclusion: The Markan Jesus emphasises that the current situation introduces further suffering and persecution for believers but that does not indicate the end in itself. The time of the end is unknown, even to him. The discourse hence serves anti-apocalypse to discourage believers from overheated end-time expectations of an imminent end. Christians do not know when the end is coming, but they know who they expect to return. Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: The research findings contribute to Old and New Testament studies into apocalypticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The life after death fascinated people of all epochs, but the consciousness of medieval people was particularly prone to this idea. It is almost impossible to understand the medieval homo religiosus, its mentality and actions, without taking into account the basic context of eschatology. The subject of analysis in this article is the iconography of heaven in the Italian representations of the Final Judgement at the turn of the Gothic and the Renaissance periods. Various representations of heaven are shown, such as Abraham's bosom, garden of Eden, the heavenly city of Jerusalem and hierarchical community of the saved. The analysis of the works of art is confronted with theology. It permits the identification of sources and determining the theological meaning of individual iconographic themes. Such an analysis from the perspective of art history and theology reveals unique relationship between word and image, religion and culture, faith and art. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration, as the displacement of peoples, triggered throughout the centuries by wars, natural disasters, political oppression, poverty and famine, religious persecution is a profound human experience and an intimate part of the biblical saga from the beginning, along with the social, anthropological and spiritual issues it raises. The history of Israel is rooted in migration and the Jewish Diaspora is the most extensive and well documented migrations in antiquity. The wandering of the patriarchs, the Exodus, the exile, the dispersion and the return to Jerusalem are embedded in the consciousness of the people of Israel and helped define their character as a people and the nature of their relationship to God. For the Christian Church, migration was a phenomenon that configured its history and forced it to define itself and to specify the eschatological goal of its missionary. The patristic writings of the first centuries indicate that Christians have always considered themselves pilgrims to the heavenly homeland, not having a particular homeland here on earth, although they have always managed to adapt to the social and political conditions of the times. Starting from these historical, social and spiritual premises, the present study proposes a refection both from a biblical and patristic perspective on the migration phenomenon, trying to offer the premises of a debate in the space of orthodox theology on this current topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Henry of Albano's De peregrinante civitate Dei and its conception of Jerusalem; this conception encompasses crusade and theology building upon the four senses of Scripture and the Corpus Christi. Within this text, the paper focuses on treatise XIII, the so-called "crusading treatise," discussing the purpose and outlook it develops for the Third Crusade, an event triggered by the loss of both the True Cross and Jerusalem in 1187. However, for a sound analysis of the complex notions surrounding Jerusalem, one has to consider the crusading treatise's relationship with other parts of the work; these help us to understand better Henry's reading of the events of 1187. As this endeavour demonstrates, the other parts offer elaboration on, and explanation of, motifs present but not exegetically elucidated in the crusading treatise. This leads to an investigation of eschatological elements in Henry's work, especially those concerned with heaven's gates and the fulfilment of prophecy. It then considers how these apocalyptic beliefs might have unfolded on the eve of the crusade, being deeply rooted in the conjunction of the earthly and the heavenly Jerusalem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 12 foundations of the new Jerusalem are added to the 12 gates of the holy city which descends from heaven. The foundations are associated with the 12 apostles, a reference to the newssnes of the people of God. From a simbolic point of view, the foundations are 12 precious stones (Rev 21: 19-20). The precious stones were a sign of the eschatological restoration of the people of God. The same precious stones that abound in the new Jerusalem could create a contrast with the traffic of precious materials in Babylon (the Roman Empire). But the aspect on which we insist in Rev 21 is the preciousness of the people before God together with the exaltation of newsness. The new Jerusalem that will descend from heaven in eschatology is the new, perfect, unique, and unitary people of God, founded on the twelve apostles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Justin Martyr pragmatically uses eschatological themes across his Dialogue with Trypho to support his apologetic arguments. Therefore, this paper does not deal with more extensive text units that would systematically elaborate eschatology in general (except Dial. 80f); instead, the aim of this paper is to focus on particular eschatological topics: (1) Second Coming, (2) resurrection of the dead, Last Judgment and Retribution, (3) the Millennium. In fact, Justin does not differ much from the views of the early church in the anticipation of the Second Coming of Christ. However, Justin is not afraid to develop the subject to the extent of occasionally contradicting his other statements. Thus, if we want to build a timeline of the last things, it cannot be done solely based on Justin’s Dialogue (taking into account his Apologies); rather, we can trace his creative treatment of the issue: when it comes to the Jewish apocalyptic, he works with the literal restoration of Jerusalem, using the resurrection of the dead and the Millennium to defend Christian doctrines against early Gnosis, and correcting Stoic ideas with the image of the biblical purification of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that 1QpHab 2:5-10 and 1QpHab 9:3-7 are later additions to Pesher Habakkuk. As these are the only passages in Pesher Habakkuk which explicitly refer to "the latter days," I propose that these additions constitute an explicitly eschatological literary layer, which was presumably added to Pesher Habakkuk in the Herodian era. This literary development of Pesher Habakkuk demonstrates that the Pesharim are no static entities, but partake in a living and fluid interpretative tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Danish scholar Johannes Munck proposed a connection between Paul's collection for Jerusalem and prophetic texts that envisage a pilgrimage Gentiles to Zion in the end times. Nonetheless, Munck's seminal theory on the collection for Jerusalem has been contested in recent times. This article argues that the Pauline Epistles contain some textual evidence of this link between the two events and that the collection and the pilgrimage of Gentiles share many common characteristics in meaning, both pointing to eschatological time of reconciliation between Jews and Gentiles under the Messiah. In conclusion, the pilgrimage of Gentiles tradition was likely an influence for Paul in his collection of funds for the church in Jerusalem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the transition from one etymology for Jerusalem ("city of peace") to another ("vision of peace") in the late fourth century and the effects of this transition on the Latin eschatological tradition. My thesis is that Augustine's conscious preference for the etymology of "vision of peace" over that of "city of peace" is motivated by the greater usefulness of "vision of peace" within his already established eschatological system that links vision with beatitude. Augustine's preference for "vision of peace" influenced the eschatological trajectory of the Latin patristic and medieval tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Olivet Discourse is complex and difficult to interpret, but crucial to any preaching about eschatology. By identifying two chiastic structures that mirror each other, namely in Matthew 21:1-23:39 and 24:1-25:46, the relation and correspondence of the parts to each other and to the whole may be identified. Whereas the centre of the chiastic structure of Matthew 21:1-23:39 emphasises the authority and identity of Jesus Christ, the Lord and Son of David, the centre of the chiastic structure of 24:1-25:46 focuses on the sign and coming of the Son of Man. Matthew 21:1-25:46 could be a major literary unit that emphasises the King's entrance into, rejection of and exit from the temple and Jerusalem during his first coming, juxtaposed with the sign and coming of the Son of Man to Jerusalem in glory. Until then, the Lord expects his followers to watch, to be ready and prepared as they labour faithfully for him in these last days. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Jerusalem theme is preferred by the author of Apocalypse, proof is that it's mentioned as a climax of his book. In Rev 21-22, the new Jerusalem becomes the target and the final point of the human history. The heavenly Jerusalem is a divine-human city, a gift from God, the symbol of a community in which exist a perfect communion. The nest pages want to offer a concise description of this very special city, as it is presented by John, who massively draws his images from the Old Testament. In the same time, in this study I will try to offer an answer to the question why does John choose just Jerusalem as filling of history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract In his lengthy Tractatus super Psalmos, Hilary of Poitiers states only twice that humans are to 'live the life of the angels.' Nevertheless, these rare statements seem to undermine both the role of the human body in eschatological life and the christocentrism of Hilary's soteriology. However, this paper will argue that Hilary's designation of different eschatological locations for humans and angels-namely in Mt. Zion and Jerusalem, respectively-in the Tractatus super Psalmos demonstrate that Hilary, at least in this later work, believes that while humans will resemble angels in certain aspects, ultimately they will be conformed to Christ whose body is the holy temple or Church of the heavenly Jerusalem, Mt. Zion itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The Jews and the Muslims drew the attention of the twelfth Century Cistercian abbot Bernard of Clairvaux, and his words and actions had consequences for both communities. Despite his many demeaning comments about Jews and Judaism, he defended Jews from Crusader attacks, and he believed that Jews would convert to Christianity prior to the end of the world. On the other hand, he promoted the Second Crusade for the purpose of defending Jerusalem from Muslim invasion. He had no interest in converting Muslims to Christianity, only killing them if they continued their threat on the Holy Land. A close examination of Bernard's writings reveals that his position on Jews and Muslims was not merely a reflection of church policy, but a means to advance his personal spiritual desire of union with God. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Author examines Jesus' encounter with children in Mark 10:13-16 and concentrates on the logion that declares that children are those in possession of the Kingdom. The Author explores in depth the meaning of the words "to accept the Kingdom as a child (hōs paidion)", an expression that is grammatically ambiguous since "child" can be used either as subject or object. Reading paidion in the nominative case, the Kingdom of God becomes accessible to those who accept it with the attitude of one who is little, the last, and a lesser one. Reading paidion in the accusative, the point of Mark 10:15 becomes the welcome given to a child. From these two interpretations emerge two complementary conditions comparable to other gospel passages: to be passive or to accept the Kingdom as a gift freely given, and to be active by undertaking everything necessary to enter into the Kingdom following the example of Jesus, the Master who embraces the child and blesses it, placing his hands on it (Mark 10:16). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The destination of some of the first missionaries sent out from the Azusa Mission was Jerusalem. The missionary vision of early Pentecostalism gave eschatological emphasis to Palestine. The article contends that the Palestine Missionary Band from Azusa was motivated to go to Jerusalem by an image of Palestine that was out of touch with the realities on the ground. Ultimately, that image diminished the potential for a viable intercultural connection between Azusa and Jerusalem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents two medieval Armenian texts which illustrate how themes and subjects drawn from Jewish speculation of the Second Temple period. These medieval reworkings not only preserve ancient material on occasion, but also enable us to trace the influence of pseudepigraphical and associated texts on medieval literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1105, six years after the soldiers of the First Crusade took Jerusalem, a Damascene jurisprudent named 'Ali ibn Tahir al-Sulami (d. 1106) dictated in public a treatise entitled Kitab al-Jihad (The Book of the Holy War) with which he hoped to provoke his fellow Muslims into responding to the Frankish offensive. However, in his text, al-Sulami only discusses Jerusalem eight times, which might lead some to conclude that he placed little importance on the holy city. In this article, we examine al-Sulami's references to Jerusalem, showing that it is clear that despite his sparse discussion al-Sulami regarded Jerusalem as having an indispensable role in the events of both his own time and the days to come, with the position of the holy city being a vital theme that he explored in his efforts to influence his listeners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jerusalem has great significance for all three Semitic faiths. In the case of Islam, Jerusalem's rich past history is balanced by its future eschatological function. Islamic tradition looks not only to the city as the site of Muhammad's ascension to Heaven but also to its role as the location for the final tribulation and judgement. In this context, contemporary conflicts between modern Israel and its Arab neighbours are interpreted by many Muslims as a fulfilment of prophecy. This poses important challenges for scholars engaged in research into Jerusalem's past and present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the existence of the Book of Noah, arguing that this document existed during the Second Temple period and that it was a repository for some but not all of the diverse Noachic traditions of the time. The study will begin by analyzing Second Temple Noachic narratives and references to the writings of Noah, explaining why the data support the existence of a Book of Noah, and conclude by applying insights from Gospel Criticism to determine the baseline content of this document. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]