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This article investigates aspects of heritage and atrocity by bringing the Japanese case into focus. The dissonant nature of such dark cultural heritage has gained greater attention since the late 1990s in Japan and around the world, though scholarship has been largely limited to the European context. While locating the Japanese making of dark heritage in the context of the decomposition of the Cold War in Asia, I will first examine the process by which specific sites of past violence are transformed into war heritage in Japan. Second, I will explore how changing values and attitudes toward war-related sites causes changes in strategic planning for heritage management. These two themes will be demonstrated through an examination of civic activities to conserve the remains of underground warehouses built during the Second World War in Nagano and Osaka. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzing late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century expositions and their "human zoos" as instances of racialist subsumption of the colonies, I argue that they gave rise to a new form of objectification and subjectivity that cannot be subsumed into colonial or anticolonial dichotomies. In particular, I focus on the case of Japan and Korea as two countries whose fate diverged on the fair site and compare Japanese and American use of the fair as a means of claiming higher status in the racialized global hierarchy. Their convergence upon the so-called civilizing mission presaged the Taft-Katsura Agreement (1905) and facilitated Japan's colonization of Korea in 1910. At the same time, however, Korean voices from inside the Japanese exhibition give a glimpse of new modern subjectivities that were forged in the furnace of colonial commodification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'In foreign affairs, Japan is often thought of as a big country acting like a small one. Yet that is to miss the significance, range and effectiveness of Japan's economic statecraft, in which the country not only acts its true size but also does so with much more autonomy and agency than it does in classic diplomacy. Yuka Koshino and Robert Ward shine a truly illuminating light on how Japan thinks and behaves as a geo-economic actor, whether through trade, investment, aid, rule-setting or, crucially, technology. This Adelphi book deserves to be widely read, for it adds greatly to our understanding of a much neglected and under-appreciated aspect of Japanese strategy.' Bill Emmott, Chairman of the IISS Trustees; Chairman of the Japan Society of the UK; and author of Japan's Far More Female Future (Oxford University Press, 2020) 'Groundbreaking work and a penetrating analysis of the geo-economic challenges facing Japan, a frontline country in the age of US–China rivalry and economic statecraft.' Dr Funabashi Yoichi, Chairman of Asia Pacific Initiative Geo-economic strategy – deploying economic instruments to secure foreign-policy aims and to project power – has long been a key element of statecraft. In recent years it has acquired even greater salience, given China's growing antagonism with the United States and the willingness of both Beijing and Washington to wield economic power in their confrontation. This trend has particular significance for Japan, due to its often tense political relationship with China, which remains its largest trading partner. While Japan's post-war geo-economic performance often failed to match its status as one of the world's largest economies, more recently Tokyo has demonstrated increased geo-economic agency and effectiveness. In this Adelphi book, Yuka Koshino and Robert Ward draw on multiple disciplines – including economics, political economy, foreign policy and security policy – and interviews with key policymakers to examine Japan's geo-economic power in the context of great-power competition between the US and China. They examine Japan's previous underperformance, how Tokyo's understanding of geo-economics has evolved and, given constraints on its national power projection, what actions Japan might feasibly take to become a more effective geo-economic actor. Their conclusions will be of direct interest not only for all those concerned with Japanese grand strategy and the Asia-Pacific, but also for those middle powers seeking to navigate great-power competition in the coming decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the central role of Japan’s rise to global economic prominence in the evolution of Donald J. Trump’s worldview. It traces how the transformation of the relationship between the United States and Japan during the 1980s informed Trump’s ideas about trade and protectionism, globalization, the international economy, and executive power. Trump, it argues, was a product of U.S.-Japanese relationship; while he began his public career as a prominent critic of Japan, claiming that the country exploited American trade and defense policy, his career in real estate heavily relied on Japanese finance. This contradictory approach continues to shape his understanding of Japan. As president, Trump repeatedly condemns Japan as predatory and protectionist, but also seeks expanded Japanese investment in the United States to revitalize the U.S. economy. Equally important, Trump has expanded criticisms originating with Japan to countries like China and Mexico, international agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the North American Free Trade Agreement, and the World Trade Organization. By tracing Trump’s rhetorical, financial, and diplomatic encounters with Japan over the past thirty years, this article uncovers the sources of Trump’s contradictory attitudes towards trade, globalization, and cross-border investment and his understandings of strong leadership and executive power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kiyoshi Karl Kawakami was one of the most influential Japanese immigrant journalists to defend Japanese imperialism. He did so at a time when Japanese immigrant communities showed various responses to Japan's becoming an Asian empire between the two world wars. This article shows how a Japanese immigrant journalist utilized minority politics to represent Japanese immigrant communities in the United States. Cooperating with the Japanese government's public diplomacy and propaganda projects, Kawakami also linked the interests of his home country and Japanese immigrant communities to American national interests. For this purpose, he utilized the notions of open-door international trade and anti-communism -- both widely shared by the American public -- to justify Japanese imperialism and hide its colonial nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nuclear proliferation is not a binary outcome with uniform consequences, but instead spans a continuum of latent capacity to produce nuclear weapons. At various thresholds of technical development, some countries leverage nuclear latency to practice coercive diplomacy. How and when does nuclear technology provide a challenger with the most effective means to extract concessions in world politics? This article claims that compellence with nuclear latency puts a challenger on the horns of a credibility dilemma between demonstrating resolve and signaling restraint, and identifies a sweet spot for reaching an optimal bargain where the proliferation threat is credible while the assurance costs of revealing intent are low. Historical studies of South Korea, Japan, and North Korea validate this Goldilocks principle and find that it consistently reflects the ability to produce fissile material. Contrary to conventional wisdom about proliferation, nuclear technology generates political effects long before a country acquires nuclear weapons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the historiography related to the 1876 founding of Sapporo Agricultural College, the first institution of its kind in Japan. Focusing specifically on the involvement of William Smith Clark, who previously served as the president of the Massachusetts Agricultural College, it argues that the nascent imperial ambitions harboured by both the United States and Japan are essential to a full understanding of Sapporo's founding, curriculum and subsequent history. Drawing on both primary and secondary sources as well as theoretical perspectives on empire, this article depicts Sapporo as one small part of a larger campaign of westernisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining a series of anti-base protests at Tachikawa Air Force base between 1955 and 1957, this article presents a new interpretation of postwar U.S.–Japanese relations. In contrast to previous emphases on a harmonious U.S.–Japanese partnership, it argues that Japanese desires to secure a representative postwar democracy deeply shaped the U.S.–Japanese alliance by fostering constant tensions, negotiations, and compromises between governments and the public. Using a wide range of governmental and nongovernmental American and Japanese sources, it asserts that these protests ultimately encouraged U.S. policymakers to rethink the utility of U.S. bases in mainland Japan and the broader expression of U.S. Cold War power. By exploring the social, political, and diplomatic tensions surrounding U.S. military bases, this article highlights the vital role that weaker allies and foreign publics played in the U.S. global calculations, policy outcomes, and its understanding of its own role in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the defense policy of Japan between 1969-1976, focusing on the internal and external factors that have shaped the development of Japan's defense policies. Other topics include how the U.S. foreign policy under former President Richard Nixon, or the Nixon Doctrine, impacted Japan's military policy, how U.S. relations with China and the Soviet Union impacted relations in East Asia, and the role of Japan in international security.

An essay is presented on the impact of the U.S. occupation of Okinawa on Okinawans living in Hawaii during the 1940s and 1950s. Particular focus is given to the relationship between Okinawan immigrant subjectivity and U.S. colonialism. Details on the U.S. federal court case United States v. Ushi Shiroma are presented. Other topics include identity, liminality, and sovereignty.

This article traces the ways in which the Korean War inspired and stimulated diverse local discussions on Japan’s rearmament, which contributed to the reconstruction of memories of World War II and the shaping of a fear of World War III, which, in turn, had fundamental effects on the direction of postwar Japan. First, the article looks into immediate reactions to the outbreak of the Korean War, namely the establishment of the National Police Reserve, escalation of the red purge and intensification of pro-rearmament discussions. Second, it examines a set of responses to these aforementioned immediate reactions, namely student and peace movements that were anti-red purge, anti-rearmament and anti-war. Third, the article analyzes the conflicts and compromises between these two radically different reactions through investigating the adaptations of political figures and organizations in a series of heated public debates and electoral contestations in this period. The article argues that domestic pressures and social and historical contexts contributed significantly to the Janus-faced policy that Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru crafted concerning the issue of Japan’s rearmament. Debates about rearmament were filtered through a variety of domestic social struggles over memories and legacies of World War II within an emerging ‘Cold War’ context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

What kind of "war" did Japanese chemists fight during World War I, and what impact did their experiences have on Japanese chemistry in its aftermath? By focusing on the role of Jo ji Sakurai (1858-1939), this paper attempts to answer these questions by looking at the drastic changes in the international relationships of the Japanese chemical community caused by the war. It examines how the Japanese National Research Council was established in 1920 as part of the International Research Council, a product of the reconfiguration of international scientific powers triggered by World War I. This paper argues that Sakurai advocated the establishment of the National Research Council after the American model of wartime mobilisation of science, coordinated fractured Japanese chemical communities for international functions, and facilitated Japan's participation and increased influence in international scientific associations such as the International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry, established in 1919. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Offering a fresh reading of the U.S. Japan expedition (1853-1854), this article analyzes extant accounts written by Commodore Perry and his crewmen with an eye toward exhibiting how they perceived the Japanese as well as how their perceptions informed the expedition's cultural diplomacy. To precisely interpret the statements made by these men, this article makes a distinction between observations regarding Japanese civilization and the Japanese 'race.' Sometimes at odds, these two criteria for understanding the Japanese interlinked in the crewmen's thinking about Japan, since both chauvinism about the supremacy of Western civilization and racism provided them with a sense of superiority and, if necessary, a rationale for domination over the Japanese. These sailors' musings about civilization and race highlight the salient elements of their worldview, while the Japan expedition's use of cultural instruments-as varied as parades, technological expositions, and musical performances-revealed Perry and his crewmen's biased perceptions of the Japanese. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Johann Arnason’s exploration of the historical constellation of East Asia has helped reproblematize the conceptual framework of modernity and civilization. This article outlines Arnason’s innovations in civilizational analysis and social theory in the field of comparative studies of Japan. It sets out the terms on which a nuanced elaboration of Arnason’s framework could occur. Two areas warrant closer attention: state formation and the institution of capitalism. It is argued that there are signs of what might be termed a ‘tertiary’ phase of state formation, implicit in Arnason’s discussion of advanced modernity. Moreover, this phase brought Japan into close contact with the newly unfolding context of the West’s civilizational imaginary, particularly in its ideological expressions of evolutionism. The article ends on the problematic of capitalism, raising questions about further potential theoretical developments based on Arnason’s conclusions and other inventive studies of Japanese capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Cold War brought forth an unprecedented level of global interactions, creating relationships that not only brought states together but altered the trajectories of societies. To explore the impact of the Cold War on postwar Japan, this article examines the negotiations between the United States and Japan over Japanese membership in the Mutual Security Program, the United States’ postwar military assistance program. It considers debates over Japanese rearmament and their effect on Japan’s economy and democracy, both within Japan and between Japan and the United States, the negotiations that resulted in Japan’s membership in the program, and Japanese reactions to this membership. It argues that Japanese rearmament both brought the United States and Japan together, and created tensions between them, highlighting the complicated Cold War dynamics between domestic and international politics. Further, it asserts that the Cold War altered the nature of the state by fostering a multilayered relationship between government policy-making, international negotiations, institutional developments, and socio-political mobilizations, creating a new political relationship that it calls the Cold War State. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article the author discusses the fantasy depiction of white samurai in American popular culture. The central focus of the article is on Tom Cruise, an actor, and his playing a western samurai in the motion picture "The Last Samurai." It is the author's contention that the image of the samurai and the American old west myth are linked and that the U.S. needs to view Japan as a strong ally and partner. A number of topics are addressed including the creation of samurai in the film to match the American notion of such warriors, the resemblance of the film to the motion picture "Dances with Wolves," and information contained in the book "Giving Up the Gun: Japanese Reversion to the Sword 1543-1879," by Noel Perrin.

The article discusses the impact of the Cold War on popular U.S. perceptions of Japanese-made products. The author reflects on U.S. economic policy that emphasized the Reconstruction of the Japanese economy and the reluctance of U.S. merchants, consumers, manufacturers, and journalists to comply with official policy. Emphasis is given to the re-emergence of racialized wartime rhetoric in the U.S. press as the Japanese economy recovers and Japanese manufacturers produce better quality goods. Other topics include exporting high-end merchandise, cultural backlash, and the relationship of economic revival to the financing of social reconstruction.

This article focuses on the diplomatic relations between the U.S. and Japan from 1905 to 1913. Newspapers in both Japan and the U.S. printed rumors of an imminent war, leading to a fall of Tokyo, Japan's stock market in 1907, and a diplomatic mission of U.S. Secretary of War William Howard Taft was sent to Japan by U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt the same year. The author considers how the Russo-Japanese War, improvements in communication and mass media, colonialism, and ethnic biases helped deteriorate American-Japanese relations at the beginning of the 20th century.

The article discusses the emergence of revolutionary consciousness in the middle of political mobilization around the concept of the New Negro Movement in the U.S. The New Negro projects the image of a determined, assertive and militant African American. It is suggested that the longstanding intellectual tradition of black protest intersected with Japan's struggle to achieve racial equality with the white nations.

Explores the history of U.S.-Japanese baseball in the period culminating the Second World War. Role of the Americans in organizing baseball in Japan; Background of the first all professional American baseball team to visit Japan; History of the first encounter of Japanese baseball team with American baseball.

Focuses on the involvement of Japanese Ambassador Nomura Kichisaburǒ in U.S.-Japanese negotiations in 1941. Citation of the inadequate knowledge of Nomura in diplomacy; Impact of naval background on political views; Fatalism in Japan's relations with the U.S.