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The Great Recession derived from USA subprime crisis involved the European countries in two different steps: in the first phase, referred to 2008–2009, the finance contraction and the bank failures spread out across the whole Atlantic area involving, above all, the financial market but also influencing the real economy. The second phase, started in 2011 and lasted until 2014–2015, affected the Euro zone and sovereign debts of the countries until 2015 in depth. Also for Italy, the crisis period was characterized by a deep negative conjuncture until 2009, by a slight recovery until the first half of 2011 and by an intense recession from 2011 to 2015. The aim of this work is to collect evidence on the Italian manufacturing system with the following goals: to investigate the riskiness–distress risk trend across industries in 2008–2017 period and to understand how this trend inluences the performance of the company at the end of the period. To perform this analysis a Latent Growth Curve Model is proposed, using an important Italian private database containing the book-value data of the joint-stock company Italian firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Calls against austerity have entered the political agenda of very different actors in the political spectrum – from social democratic to right-wing populist parties. In this article, we argue that the main failures in realizing these claims and thus overcoming austerity can hardly be explained only in terms of (lacking) political will. We rather approach this problem complex in the two emblematic cases of Italy and Spain by foregrounding the disciplinary effects of capital accumulation in both the countries through a long-term historical reconstruction of the fiscal and steering capacity of their respective state institutions. Despite key specificities in the respective fragile accumulation regimes, the main findings point to the fact that the structure of accumulation has imposed strong constraints in both Italy and Spain. An unstable and crisis-prone capital accumulation characterized by low productivity, a lack of sectoral diversity, regional fragmentation, as well as high levels of exposure and dependency within variegated capitalism have restricted state capacity – a tendency only ruptured in temporary boom-cycles. This, we argue, entails some major implications, first, to address the present failures of social democratic forces and second, to gauge the concrete transformative potential at the politico-economic level of populist calls for 'breaking the chains' of austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic crises throughout history have often given an impetus for health and social reforms leading to the introduction of general healthcare systems and social equality in a large number of countries. The aim of this paper is to present the major economic crises and their effect on healthcare and social system chronologically. Bismarck's and Beveridge's model, the two most prominent healthcare models, which emerged primarily as a response to major economic crises, constitute the basis for the functioning of most health care systems in the world. An overview of historical events and experiences may be valuable in predicting future developments and potential effects of the crisis on healthcare systems and health in general. An analysis of past crises as well as current health and economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and their impact on the healthcare system can facilitate the comprehension of the mechanisms of action and consequences of economic recession. It may also help identify guidelines and changes that might reduce the potential damage caused by future crises. The historical examples presented show that a crisis could trigger changes, which, in theiressence, are not necessarily negative. The response of society as a whole determines the direction of these changes, and it is up to society to transform the negative circumstances brought about by the recession into activities that contribute to general well-being and progress.