Search

This paper focuses on four e-initiatives that were precipitated by the coronavirus outbreak in Italy. These experiences played a relevant role in developing multilevel solidarity (from the local to the global level) both online and offline. They are represented by the hashtags "#iorestoacasa" (I stay at home) and "#andràtuttobene" (everything will be alright), "performances on the balcony," "influencers' campaigns," and "altruism and e-parochialism." These experiences represent revealing examples essential to understand the benefits that a mediated form of solidarity can produce. This is particularly important given the challenges that solidarity faces due to the technological acceleration imposed by the pandemic, which is likely to influence social relationships even in the post-pandemic era. Four lessons can be learned from these expressions of e-solidarity related to the capacity of information and communication technologies to (1) promote unconditioned altruism; (2) fight "parochialism" when the same disadvantaged condition is shared; (3) their capacity to develop a multilevel sense of community by connecting the local experience to the global dimension; and (4) to mediate between institutional sources and people, and connect family members, friends, vulnerable people with neighbors, and the global community. This last point suggests that the pandemic has offered fertile ground for both mechanical and organic forms of solidarity to emerge. On the one hand, it created a collective conscience based on shared vulnerabilities and interdependence. On the other hand, it is based on individualization and diversity. Indeed, these examples of Durkheimian collective effervescence show the paradox of a form of collective individualized and mediated solidarity, which is typical of contemporary society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What we can learn about media ownership and political discourse in general through the lens of the Italian media system? The article looks at the rise of Berlusconi's media empire and its impact on the country's people, ethics and customs. The new deal inaugurated in Italy since 1994 when Berlusconi won his first political election, is well known as "Berlusconismo". This new system is a sort of political, cultural and economic regime in Italy, wedding a populist and neoliberal regime. The aim is to see how it is possible to combine censorship and democracy using as example Berlusconi's contemporary regime. The article proposes a classification of seven different types of censorship observed during Berlusconi's governments. Some of these forms are directly linked to the totalitarian censorship, while others are emerging in a new form in a democratic system. This mix of old and new forms of censorship are typical of 'Berlusconismo'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter explores the relationship between fear of crime and political dynamics in Italy. Of particular relevance is the fact that Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi is the richest person in Italy, controlling a large share of the mass media industry. Berlusconi uses his media influence to cultivate the public's fear of crime, for his own political gain. The chapter explores the social science literature concerning public issues, media coverage, and public fear. The Italian media landscape is described, including Berlusconi's direct or indirect control of various media. The main thrust of the chapter explores the aspects of Berlusconi's manipulation of crime coverage in media, which manipulates the public's fear of crime, which in turn may be associated with voting behaviours. Concluding reflections explore the complexities of the model of media manipulation presented and the importance of the Italian case in a global climate of continuing capital accumulation in media industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]