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Andreu Nin defines fascism and analyses its class nature, challenging the notion that fascism's aims match its rhetoric. While recruiting from among Italy's middle classes, the petite bourgeoisie, it ultimately serves the big bourgeoisie objectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work deals with the extreme provincialism that has characterized and characterizes Italian studies. Italy, in fact, is a country that has lost pace with modernity already in the fifteenth century, when the rest of Europe was opening up to the phenomenon of "globalization". We have demonstrated how, since then, Italy has taken refuge in the myth of Classicism and the Renaissance, from which it has not managed to get out even after the country has joined in a single state entity. The great emigration of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century helped to de-provincialize many Italians, but not art, literature and literary criticism. Criticism did everything to remove the period and the Italian colonial atrocities in Africa. In the second post-war period, while the criticism of colonialism was beginning to take hold throughout Europe, the Italian bourgeoisie (which held economic, political and cultural power) preferred to ignore its deadline operated in the Horn of Africa, Greece and Albania. At the same time, he ignored the lively frontier literature, the Istrian one. Precisely for this reason, in the second part of this work we have dealt with the novel by the Istrian of adoption Eros Sequi, "Le case di pothia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from the idea that democracy always binds together a practice of domination and a project of liberation, Tronti formulates the conditions for a critique of democracy that would permit a rebirth of political thought in the current conjuncture. Bringing the heterodox Marxist traditions of 'workerism' and the 'autonomy of the political' together with the feminist thinking of difference, Tronti underscores the identitarian tendencies of democracy and the difficulties of combining democracy with a genuine notion of freedom. For Tronti, democracy is increasingly synonymous with the pervasiveness of capitalism understood as 'bourgeois society', and the victory of 'real democracy' (as one might speak of 'real socialism') is the sociological victory of the bourgeoisie. The homo oeconomicus and the homo democraticus are fused into the dominant figure of democracy, the 'mass bourgeois'. Against the depoliticizing consequences of 'democratic Empire', Tronti proposes a profound rethinking of our notion of politics, one which should not shy from reconsidering the elitist critiques of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]