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Comments that the January 2005 election in Iraq suggests a stern determination among the people not to let evil triumph. Scarring and toughening of the Iraqi psyche under the totalitarian cruelties of Saddam Hussein and the haphazard evils of the terrorists and the occupation; Parallels between the election and Whittaker Chamber's break away from the Communist Party in 1938 to become a champion of freedom.

Comments on the state of global politics at the start of U.S. President George W. Bush's second term in office. Political situation during Bush's first term; Policies adopted on Iraq and Afghanistan; Relations with the United Nations and Europe.

Analyzes the intention and determination of former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein according to the report of Charles Duelfer, the top U.S. arms inspector in Iraq. Importance of the weapons of mass destruction to Hussein; Accounts on how he avoided arms inspectors; Long-term perspective; Patience in undermining foreign sanctions.

Discusses the gradualist's approach to U.S. counterinsurgency efforts in Iraq. Argument that rushing into terrorist-controlled Iraqi cities with massive force could be too bloody and result in a debilitating political backlash; Allowing time for building up Iraq's own security forces and a base of anti-insurgent political support; Najaf as model for how the Iraq war should proceed.

Explores the Bush administration's transfer of sovereignty to Iraqis on June 30, 2004. Chain of events leading to the November 15 agreement; Support of the June 30 transfer; Outcomes of the political transition; Challenges facing the Iraq government.

These days we are all co-religionists in the church of multilateralism. The Iraq war reminded everybody not to embark on an international effort without a broad coalition. Yet today, as an impeccably crafted multilateral force intervenes in Libya, certain old feelings are coming back to the surface. These feelings have been buried since the 1990s, when multilateral efforts failed in Kosovo, Rwanda and Iraq. They concern the structural weaknesses that bedevil multilateral efforts. They remind us that unilateralism may be no walk in the park, but multilateralism has its own characteristic problems, which are showing up already in Libya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the course of my career, I've covered a number of policy failures. When the Soviet Union fell, we sent in teams of economists, oblivious to the lack of social trust that marred that society. While invading Iraq, the nation's leaders were unprepared for the cultural complexities of the place and the psychological aftershocks of Saddam's terror. We had a financial regime based on the notion that bankers are rational creatures who wouldn't do anything stupid en masse. For the past 30 years we've tried many different ways to restructure our educational system -- trying big schools and little schools, charters and vouchers -- that, for years, skirted the core issue: the relationship between a teacher and a student. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. venture into Iraq was a war, but it was also a nation-building exercise. America has spent $53 billion trying to reconstruct Iraq, the largest development effort since the Marshall Plan. So how's it working out? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Let's go back and consider how the world looked in the winter of 2006-2007. Iraq was in free fall, with horrific massacres and ethnic cleansing that sent a steady stream of bad news across the world media. The American public delivered a stunning electoral judgment against the Iraq war, the Republican Party and President Bush. Expert and elite opinion swung behind the Baker-Hamilton report, which called for handing more of the problems off to the Iraqi military and wooing Iran and Syria. Republicans on Capitol Hill were quietly contemptuous of the president while Democrats were loudly so. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The U.S. brought no shortage of misconceptions into Iraq, but surely the longest lasting has been what you might call: Founding Fatherism. This is the belief that peace will come to the country when the nation's political elites gather at a convention hall and make a series of grand compromises involving power-sharing and a new constitution. The Bush administration has been pushing the Iraqis to make this sort of grand compromise for years -- to little effect. The Democrats happily declare that there has been no political progress in Iraq because this grand compromise is the only kind of political progress they can conceive of. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the Sunnites and Shiites conflicts in Iraq. It profiles prominent Iraqi shiite, Shatha al-Musawi and mentions her fanatic attitude. According to the article, the U.S. interference cannot end the usual conflicts between the two communities. It also mentions that there is a decrease in the number of the fights between the two communities.

The article presents the author's comments on the approach of U.S. President George W. Bush towards the Iraq War. Bush, in an interview with the author on July 13, 2007, has expressed his commitment towards political stability in Iraq. Bush, in the interview, also said that history is moving towards democracy. According to the author, if Bush's theory of history is correct, the right political compromise can lead to political stability in Iraq.

The article critically analyses the speech delivered by U.S. Senator Carl Levin in the Senate during the Iraq debate and concludes that the speech was utterly unconvincing. The main content of the speech was that Iraqi leaders are shirking their natural duties to their country and it's time to force them carry out their responsibilities even by offering incentives. The author says that no Iraqi will buy the Levin theory.

The article asserts the dominance of the U.S. government over the world. U.S. political leaders are discussing increase of troops in Iraq despite failure of the U.S. to resolve issues related to Iraq. Presidential candidate Hillary Clinton has called for increase of troops in Afghanistan. The U.S. military has no serious rivals and the economy of the country is surging.

The article presents the author's views on Iraq, which he says is a disintegrating nation. Ethnic cleansing is dividing Baghdad, thousands are dying, and millions are moving out. It would be better if soft partition, a relocation of people, is done. The answer lies in creating a central government with a few key powers, separation of sectarian groups and reinforcement of strong regional governments. It would mean to modify the Iraqi Constitution. Implicit consent should be got from all sects.

The article presents information related to prevailing violent conditions in Iraq as a result of a civil war. Iraq has warlord structures that caused mass murder in Rwanda, Bosnia, and Sierra Leone. Iraqi minds have already been covered by the experiences of trauma and extreme stress. Iraq already is suffering from the psychological conditions that have exploded the great bloodbaths of recent years.

The article presents the author's historical perspective of disorder in Iraq and the steps needed to counter it. The author refers to Elie Kedourie's essay "The Kingdom of Iraq: A Retrospect," in which Iraq is depicted as a nation that has been facing perpetual crisis since time immemorial. The author informs that the U.S. military presence in Iraq is urgently required to deter neighboring powers from attacking the country.

The article presents information on the social conditions prevailing in Iraq. It is stated that there is tremendous insecurity among the people of Iraq regarding their future. According to a survey done by researchers on the Iraqis, a majority of them said that they would not want to stay in the enemy countries like the U.S.

The article focuses on the views of the author on the Iraq War.

The article reports on the atrocities of insurgents and militias in Iraq.

The article focuses on the civil war in Iraq.

The article presents information on the social condition in Iraq.

The article presents the author's opinions regarding the presence of U.S. armed forces in Iraq.

Talks about the strategy proposed by Andrew Krepinevich, retired lieutenant colonel, on how to fight counterinsurgency warfare in Iraq.

Comments on the decision of most Americans to pull out and withdraw troops in the war against the insurgency in Iraq.

Presents the author's reflections on an encounter at an airport in Ireland between United States politicians returning from a trans-Atlantic security conference in Munich, Germany, and U.S. marines returning from a tour of duty in Iraq. Number of men that the unit lost in Iraq; Suggestions made by U.S. politicians at the conference on how to win the war against Islamist extremism; Willingness of the politicians to talk bluntly to the tyrants; Speeches given by Europeans at the conference.

Focuses on the capability of the Iraqis to transform Iraq into a functioning society. Support of the majority to military action against the terrorists; Consideration of traditional Muslim leaders as effective advocates for democracy; Transformation of the military to establish an authentic Iraqi government to defend.

Comments on the series of declarative sentences on the subject of Iraq spoken by presidential candidate John Kerry in the U.S. Contradiction to past statements about foreign policy; Shift of responsibility for Iraq onto other countries; Withdrawal of the U.S. troops to decrease the U.S. burden in Iraq.

Explains that the United States is the only nation in the world which is hopeful enough to evangelize for democracy in the Middle East, naíve enough to do it badly, and adaptable enough to recover from its own innocence and muddle its way to success. American history is the same pattern repeated over and over; Shakeout moments and new beginnings faced by American occupation forces in Iraq.

Comments on the irony that the power shown by the U.S. in its war against Iraq is also the country's weakness. Importance of having a forum in which Iraqis have a chance to defy Americans; Significant risks involved in moving the Iraq elections in the fall season.

Editorial. Comments on the prospects of achieving political stability in Iraq with the aid of the U.S. government. Aspects of a political transition in the country; Hearings on the supplemental reappropriation cloture amendment in the U.S.; Implications for world politics and international relations.

Focuses on the war in Iraq. Invasion of U.S. in Iraq; Generation of totalitarianism.

Focuses on the civil war in Iraq. Existence of Shiite violence; Implication of the civil war to civilians; Investment of Shiite groups to process the building of Iraq.

Focuses on the conclusion by David Kay that the administration officials of U.S. President George W. Bush did not pressure analysts to exaggerate the threats posed by weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Scientific pretensions of the Central Intelligence Agency; Issue of false scientism; Constraints to act preventively against global terror.

Comments on the performance of President George W. Bush's administration in the U.S. Assessment of the international affairs; Opposition to the Kyoto treaty; Enforcement of the United Nation's resolution in Iraq.

Discusses the claim of U.S. Democratic presidential candidates that the George W. Bush administration is circumventing the competitive bidding process to funnel sweetheart Iraq reconstruction contracts to major campaign contributors, especially Vice President Dick Cheney's former firm, Halliburton. Opinions expressed by presidential contenders, Dennis Kucinich, Howard Dean and John Kerry; Rebuttals to the allegations of the Democrats; Structure of the federal procurement process.

Examines the opposing plans of U.S. Democratic Party members for the reconstruction of Iraq.