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How does violent military coercion work alongside liberal democratic values in contemporary iterations of imperialism? This article shows how the less‐than‐lethal paradigm occludes death and perpetuates extreme forms of both deadly and not‐deadly military coercion in Iraq. Key to the 2003 invasion and subsequent counterinsurgency in Iraq, the less‐than‐lethal paradigm extends across military doctrine and US popular discourse. Based on the idea that killing is an undesirable way to dominate, the less‐than‐lethal paradigm is not necessarily benevolent or less deadly; instead, it is a legal, discursive, and logistical maneuver to minimize the political power of death and dying on the global stage. Decentering death, the less‐than‐lethal paradigm rebrands violence by reframing war as a precondition for peace, minimizing killing and death, disseminating nonkilling forms of coercion, and assigning responsibility to others for violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The consensus among many western scholars and the Iraqi protest movement is that almost all of the country's most serious problems are attributable to a political system (the so-called muhasasa ta'ifia) that allocates positions of political power on the basis of ethnicity and sect. The system was created by elites, and is sustained and manipulated by these same elites for personal gain; but while critiques of the system are ubiquitous, feasible proposals for changing it are thin on the ground. The assumption that the muhasasa is a top-down imposition logically leads protestors to focus attention on effecting change in Baghdad, but direct challenges to the system are unlikely to succeed. The argument here is that a bottom-up approach that starts with empowering governorates is the more viable strategy. Specifically, the focus should be on exploiting the constitutional provision that allows governorates to transition to regions. While a 'filled out' federation may not end the muhasasa, it will erode the system's foundation by distributing power and resources away from Baghdad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces a special issue on consociationalism and the state, specifically focusing on Lebanon and Iraq. It explores the use of consociational power sharing as a means of conflict resolution in post-conflict societies. The article acknowledges the ongoing debate surrounding the effectiveness of consociationalism and the tension between normative and analytical goals. The special issue aims to contribute to this debate by examining the relationship between consociational theory, the state, and political settlements in Lebanon and Iraq. The papers in the issue explore various aspects of consociationalism, including its impact on state formation, state stability, and social identity. The authors emphasize the need for a more coherent theory of the state in understanding the dynamics of consociationalism in these countries. The article also discusses the political settlements in Lebanon and Iraq, highlighting the challenges faced by each country's consociational system. It concludes by calling for further comparative study and innovative debates on the postcolonial state in the Middle East. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the author's personal and professional challenges as a feminist and the strategies employed to address them. It focuses on the interplay of knowledge production, positionality, and ethical considerations in contexts of conflict and trauma, and it explores the complexities of intertwining personal experiences with academic inquiry. After highlighting personal struggles of navigating two worlds, the author emphasizes the importance of a reflexive and ethical approach in feminist research that involves navigating power relations and positionality, managing expectations, and responding to the needs on the ground. It ends with addressing both a personal backlash the author experienced and critiques directed toward feminist work in the region. Drawing on her experiences in conducting PhD research with Kurdish women refugees in the UK, postdoctoral research on women survivors of the Anfal genocide in Kurdistan, and a comparative analysis of the experiences of women survivors of the Anfal and Yezidi genocides, the article provides insights into the intricate landscape of feminist research in challenging contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Differential rates of growth explanations for preventive war assume that power resources are highly fungible. That is, they assume that a state's power resources are easily and quickly 'moveable' into practical military capability. This 'unidimensional and undifferentiated' baseline obscures an important distinction in the motivations for preventive military strikes and preventive wars. To forestall or block an anticipated adverse power shift, under conditions of perceived low fungibility of power resources, leaders have strong motivation to launch a limited preventive military strike. High fungibility of power, in contrast, makes only preventive strikes—not all preventive action—less likely. Leaders have strong motivations to launch preventive wars, including all-out invasion and conquest, aimed at damaging and/or destroying many of the challenger's power assets, including non-threatening ones. In this article, I examine Israel's decision to use preventive military force, and specifically military strikes, to delay Iraq's (1981) and Syria's (2007) nuclear weapons programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses two books, "When Parliaments Ruled the Middle East: Iraq and Syria, 1946-63" by Matthieu Rey and "As Night Falls: Eighteenth-Century Ottoman Cities after Dark" by Avner Wishnitzer. The first book examines the political dynamics in Iraq and Syria during the period between 1946 and 1963, arguing that parliamentary systems persisted despite instability and crises. However, the article criticizes the book for not acknowledging ongoing threats to parliamentary systems and the collaboration between elites and autocratic power brokers. The second book explores the history, sociology, geography, and anthropology of the night in the Ottoman Empire, using archival documents, court records, and poetry collections to depict the vibrant and sometimes chaotic life in Ottoman cities after dark. It examines various aspects of nocturnal activities and challenges the notion that ocularcentrism is solely a Western construct. [Extracted from the article]

This article proposes theorising contemporary uprisings through an analytical lens that considers the discursiveness, spatiality and materiality of protests and protesters, and the ways in which bodies and affects are mobilised. It offers an in-depth analysis of the October 2019 uprising in Iraq, commonly known as Thawra Teshreen, exploring the infrastructural, structural and political dimensions that shaped protesters' lives and deaths. It shows that protesters put forward their own politics of life and death in the streets, mobilising as people and bodies as infrastructures, and negotiating a new social order that centers the marginalised. It situates protesters' trajectories and subjectivities in relation to the materiality and structures of the various forces of death that have shaped their experiences, and relates them to the military-oil-capitalist complex tied to postcolonial state-building and empire. The article suggests that in order to understand and theorise contemporary uprisings on a global scale, taking Iraq as a framework expands the theoretical and political imagination about global structures of power and their political, structural, and infrastructural deployment in the everyday, and in the experience of living and dying in the world today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to investigate the Iraqi state's utilization of tribalism to mobilize and deploy forces against its opponents. The paper argues that state elites exploit tribal divisions for short-term gain, ignoring their detrimental effects on national unity. The case study laid out in this paper, that of Salahedin Brigade, a tribal mobilization unit that was established in Shirqat by members of the al-Jabbour tribe in 2015, shows how tribalism is nurtured when central power is held by an uneasy few, who prefer to govern through the tactics of divide and conquer rather than confront the basic contradictions in their society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research draws critical attention to the translation of The Waiting List, a novel by Iraqi writer, poet, and novelist Daizy AlAmir. It shows how Parmenter renders Al-Amir’s feminist voice into English preserving the poetic style, metaphorical language, and emotive language of her text. The title itself suggests the central theme of this novel – women’s alienation. It explores diverse ways in which the female characters experience alienation, be it from their families, communities, or even from themselves. This theme is particularly poignant given the historical and social context of Iraq, where women often face marginalization and oppression. Moreover, this study explores how much of the original work survives Parmenter’s translation concerning the notion of cultural loss in translation. Translating voices, such as Al-Amir’s, is important because it provide readers around the world with access to a culturally specific feminist perspective that may otherwise go unheard of due to language and geographical barriers. Feminist translation approaches seek to challenge patriarchal power dynamics, promote gender equality through language, and ensure accurate translations with consideration for cultural context. By acknowledging and addressing these issues, feminist translators create translations that not only convey meaning but also work towards a more equitable world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Localization has emerged as a dominant reform paradigm guiding humanitarian, development, and peacebuilding efforts on a global scale. It signals a commitment to shift power to local actors by recognizing, valuing, and strengthening their role in humanitarian or peacebuilding interventions. Despite this commitment, a noticeable reorientation of power to local actors has not occurred. This article contributes to the critical scholarship on localization by analysing 22 United Nations reports to examine their understanding of local actors and their envisaged contributions to missions in Iraq since 2003. The study engages with the UN's perspectives on localization across its key mission areas: development, stabilization, and humanitarianism. The findings show a lack of consistency in the Unites Nations' perception of local actors and their contributions, with different sub-sectors presenting disparate views. The reports predominantly emphasize the instrumental use of local actors to achieve pre-defined mission objectives. Consequently, this article shows that the case of Iraq exposes a disconnect between the progressive and normative scholarly framing of localization as a political project aimed at restructuring power dynamics, and its on-ground implementation, which often simplifies localization as mere involvement of local actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformations adopted by the Popular Mobilization Forces during and after the victory over the terrorist organization ISIS in 2017 constitute a form of soft power employed by the Popular Mobilization Forces. This strategy focuses on peacebuilding in a society that has endured armed conflict, in addition to providing services to several liberated cities after their infrastructure was destroyed. It also contributes to offering civilian and humanitarian assistance during crises and natural disasters within and outside Iraq. This research aims to examine the transformations that have emerged within the structure of the Popular Mobilization Forces in the form of humanitarian aid, which has provided significant assistance to various segments of the Iraqi society. It serves as an important supplement to the local government's efforts, while monitoring the volume and types of aid provided outside Iraq, such as the assistance extended after the earthquake that struck the Syrian Arab Republic on February 6, 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars observe that armed non-state actors (NSAs) often provide social services to reinforce their popular support and legitimacy as guarantors of local order. On the other hand, NSAs usually face funding constraints that make the independent provision of distributive goods difficult. This article argues that armed NSAs employ an alternative, more cost-effective tactic to deliver services. It argues that militant groups can leverage their armed capacity to capture control of and monopolize access to state-sponsored services. As an example, it documents the capture of public electricity infrastructure that took place in post-invasion Baghdad under the Sadrist Movement, an armed group formed shortly after the ouster of the Ba'athist state. Using local-level information about the location of Sadrist offices and remote sensing data, it estimates that Sadrist-affiliated neighborhoods in Baghdad saw an average increase in access to electricity between 2003 and 2006 that was significantly greater than in other areas of the city. The article concludes by addressing threats to inference, showing that these differences are not alternatively explained by demographic differences or changes therein due to ongoing conflict. It also discusses how this NSA strategy might contribute to an equilibrium of low state legitimacy and weak capacity in fragile contexts like that of post-2003 Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the British-Iraq Treaty signed on 30 June 1930 in line with the interests of the British, it was determined that Iraq would be fully independent within two years. With this treaty, which protected British privileges in Iraq, Iraq first had to deal with the Assyrians’ uprisings right after the apparent independence. As a result of the successful suppression of this revolt, which was kind of a turning point for the Iraqi army, the army’s reputation of the army increased considerably. With this reputation, the army under the leadership of Bakr Sidqi reached a critical position in Iraq as a political asset, and the army, which took an active role in the first minor coup in Iraq, started to be interested in politics increasing its power even more since then. However, the life of this new government did not last long and was ended by the 1936 military coup, also known as the Bakr Sidqi coup. This coup is the first military coup in Iraq’s political history and has not been adequately studied in the literature. This article examined the process leading to the 1936 Bakr Sidqi coup and the events that enabled the army to become an important power in Iraqi politics. Especially in the period after Iraq gained its independence, the military forces became an essential power in the political arena, and thus the maturation process of the 1936 coup has been prioritized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While emigration and population displacements have long been a feature of Iraqi history, this article argues that the 2003 Anglo-American intervention in Iraq and its legacy has contributed to the gradual disappearance of many non-Muslim Iraqi minorities from Iraq. Though the legacy of 2003 can be attributed to a confluence of domestic and geopolitical factors, it is argued here that the 2003 intervention set in motion a process of nation-destroying instead of nation-building, as Iraqi nationhood was divided along primordial lines. Caught between competing ethnic and sectarian nationalisms, Iraqi non-Muslim minorities became targets in the quest for territorial gain and political power heralding an unprecedented and steady level of emigration. This has changed the ethnic and religious demographic of Iraq, the identity of the Iraqi nation-state, as well as fragmented Iraq's multiple ethnic and religious nations both inside and outside the country. Indeed, the effects of nation-destroying have also been transported to the diaspora, strengthening communal identities, altering attachments and creating distance between Iraqi communities abroad. This has led to distanced transnational ethnic and religious Iraqi nations in diaspora who must now also contend with assimilation, a loss of culture and language in the absence of physical links to Iraq. The article offers the first comprehensive and scholarly treatment of the effects of emigration of Iraq's non-Muslim minorities on Iraqi nationhood within the new Iraqi nation-state. It therefore contributes conceptually and empirically to advancing our understanding of the role of nation-destroying and emigration in nationalizing processes, a neglected area in current migration and nationalism scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates meaning communicated by the exhibition Archaic, the national pavilion of Iraq at the 57th Venice Biennale (2017). The Venice Biennale is the only global art event that allows countries and nations to represent themselves on their own terms. In this sense, the system of national pavilions is traditionally regarded as an arena for soft power. The paper applies multimodal analysis both on the macro-level (Halliday metafunctions) and micro-level (investigation of artworks for meaning potentials) to understand the image of Iraq curated in the exhibition. The analysis shows that the curators did not shy away from showing a negative image of Iraq with its outdated governmental system and existing ethno-religious divides. However, the main narrative communicated by the exhibition emphasized the theme of historical, cultural, geographical, and human connections binding social diversity into an inclusive national unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal Of the College of Law /Al-Nahrain University is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Law & International Relations / Relações Internacionais no Mundo is the property of Relacoes Internacionais no Mundo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Much has been written about the prevalence and politicization of public discourses on migration. Less prevalent are analyses of the role of literacy mediators in making texts, and the discourses they invoke, accessible to displaced people. With this in mind, this paper takes a discourse-ethnographic approach to the analysis of discourses of displacement. Literacy mediation in humanitarian settings is explored as a means by which refugees and humanitarian actors negotiate the unequal power dynamics of humanitarian interactions. Findings suggest that the institutional complexities of humanitarian efforts are reduced when mediators translate discourses in their literacy practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The formulation and implementation of development-oriented public policies, particularly in a post-conflict state like Iraq, requires empirical investigation. Consequently, this study investigates the effect of effective e-governance practices and decentralization on public administration in the Erbil district of Iraq. The purpose of this study is to determine the role of decentralization as a mediator between good e-governance practices and public administration in relation to the sustainable local development of the Erbil city. The sample of 409 employees of the Erbil municipality who participated in the survey was analyzed using Partial Least Square Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) with the assistance of WarPLS 7.0. The results of the study revealed a significant correlation between e-governance practices and decentralization and public administration. In addition, it was discovered that decentralization has a significant effect on public administration. The finding of a significant negative relationship between e-governance and decentralization suggests that e-governance has a negative impact on decentralization in Erbil. The implications of the study are discussed, and the study suggests that devolving power and authority to subunits in Iraq would enhance public administration and promote sustainable local development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the third millennium BC, Mesopotamia (the land between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, in modern Iraq-Syria), was dominated by the world's earliest cities and states, which were ruled by powerful elites. Ur, in present-day southern Iraq, was one of the largest and most important of these cities, and irrigation-based agriculture and large herds of domesticated animals were the twin mainstays of the economy and diet. Texts suggest that the societies of the Mesopotamian city-states were extremely hierarchical and underpinned by institutionalised and heavily-managed farming systems. Prevailing narratives suggest that the animal management strategies within these farming systems in the third millennium BC were homogenous. There have been few systematic science-based studies of human and animal diets, mobility, or other forms of human-animal interaction in Mesopotamia, but such approaches can inform understanding of past economies, including animal management, social hierarchies, diet and migration. Oxygen, carbon and strontium isotopic analysis of animal tooth enamel from both royal and private/non-royal burial contexts at Early Dynastic Ur (2900–2350 BC) indicate that a variety of herd management strategies and habitats were exploited. These data also suggest that there is no correlation between animal-management practices and the cattle found in royal or private/non-royal burial contexts. The results demonstrate considerable divergence between agro-pastoral models promoted by the state and the realities of day-to-day management practices. The data from Ur suggest that the animals exploited different plant and water sources, and that animals reared in similar ways ended up in different depositional contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iraqis in Iraq and the diaspora, through their life experience and interpretation of events, can be a site of a living archive. They possess knowledge about how national and imperial events impacted people on the ground, and about daily life and struggle to reckon with the past and the present, imagine the future and carve a sense of belonging through storytelling. The ability to provide a personal account of the events they lived through becomes a venue to challenge their portrayal as sectarian subjects in mainstream media. In this article, I argue that life stories can serve as anticolonial methodology, techniques of representation and empowerment, and sites of knowledge production about daily lives and struggles. As a living archive, life stories act as a platform to bear witness, challenge essentialist misconceptions, expose colonial and imperial realities and constitute individuals as subjects empowered to provide an account of their own lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the ethical issues surrounding conducting research in archives that include records of atrocities, taking Baʿth Party and Islamic State records that were de-territorialized from Iraq between 1991 and 2016 as case studies. I argue for the need to further consider whether historical subjects are being granted a voice in how their stories are being told. I will discuss the dichotomy between the imperatives to expose human rights abuses and seek accountability, against the need to consider the power dynamics defining control of the post-mortem narratives of the individuals named within records. I advocate for an approach to academic research that takes into account the affective power of records and the relations created by engaging them. I will explore how we might approach official records that document the abuse people have suffered as extensions of their physical bodies, as sacred remains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Human Sciences (19922876) is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Basra Studies Journal is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Al- Mouhakiq Al-Hilly Journal for Legal & Political Science is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

By studying the rebellion of Ali bin Muhammad in southern Iraq, we concluded the following: Ignorance, poverty and injustice are the most dangerous things that nations face, as they are like a dormant volcano waiting for the right opportunity to erupt to destroy everything.The Zanj in southern Iraq suffered miserable conditions of poverty, poverty, enslavement and an inferior view of society, all of which encouraged Ali bin Muhammad to exploit them to achieve his goals in reaching the hierarchy of power. The rebellion of the Zanj leader did not involve a clear program that would guarantee him survival and continuity, as he believed in the principles of the Azeri Kharijites, and this sparked the indignation of the free against him and not dealing with him, as he went out of religion by claiming prophethood and violating the divine attributes, as well as following a policy of revenge, not reform. And the social revolution, not the calendar, so killing, captivity, burning, looting and looting was a feature of this rebellion. The Abbasid Caliphate suffered great losses as a result of this rebellion, which lasted for fifteen years (255- 270 A.H.), which destroyed agricultural lands, disrupted trade, ruined cities, killed thousands, and imprisoned free women, and weakened the state, which encouraged separatist movements to overthrow the Abbasid Caliphate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Kufa Legal & Political Science is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article claims that the visual image contributes to, reflects and supports the dominant discourse of two powerful armed groups that have operated in Iraq and Syria: the US military and the Islamic State (IS). This research uses multimodal discourse analysis to explore two crucial insights into the ideological power of the visual image: the power of the image as spectatorship or spectacle and the sublime or transcendental nature of the visual image. The authors conclude that US and IS recruitment and propaganda videos share these two crucial ideological elements: pride in the spectacle of their military power, discipline and technologies, and sublime commitment to the act of killing and dying for the cause. In this sense, the US military and IS are brothers in arms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study explores the relationship between ethnic, sectarian, and religious identities and soft power in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region in the immediate aftermath of the Arab Uprisings. Utilizing original public opinion surveys conducted in Egypt and Iraq in 2012, we find that identity-based allegiances play a major role in groups' choices regarding which countries' increasing involvement in the region are seen favorably and which countries are seen as an ideal model for the region. Sunnis are likely to view Turkey and Saudi Arabia positively in both regards, whereas Shiites are more supportive of Iran. But our results also suggest that crosscutting cleavages should not be overlooked: Sunni Kurds are less likely to hold positive attitudes toward Turkey and Saudi Arabia. Our findings also show that Copts, a religious minority in Egypt, hold positive attitudes toward the United States and negative ones toward Saudi Arabia and Iran. These findings contribute to both the theoretical literature on soft power and the debates on international competition for influence in the MENA region by emphasizing the role of ethnic and religious identities in shaping attitudes toward international actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of The Iraqi University is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Public Relations Research Middle East / Magallat Bhut Al-Laqat Al-Amh - Al-Srq Al-Aust is the property of Egyptian Public Relation Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Great Power Privilege is well rooted in the United Nations through state practice of permanent members of the Security Council. The forward recognition of Israel by the USA in comparison with lack of recognition of Kosovo by Russia, and the invasion of Iraq without Security Council authorisation provide contrasting examples of Great Power Privilege that arguably does not help international peace. An internal renaissance of the Security Council may be the only route to a more inclusive global decision making mechanism to maintaining international peace and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al- Mouhakiq Al-Hilly Journal for Legal & Political Science is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Al-Frahids Arts is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Al-Frahids Arts is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to investigate whether the law and regulation provided by the government is sufficient in tackling the increasing issue of fake news (FN) ''a false story that appears to be news, usually created to influence political views''.2 An examination on whether increased regulation would restrict the United Kingdom's tradition of a free, investigative press, will be comparatively analysed to serve a contrast in perspectives to the laxer attitudes of the American media system. With the rapid evolution of technology, the radical influence FN has on the political climate will likely increase. A 2015 poll showed that 41% of Americans still erroneously believed that active weapons of mass destruction had been found in Iraq,3 but it has been proven that none ever existed.4 This worrying statistic demonstrates the influence that the media maintains over the public. Examination of regulations, laws and ethical arguments will determine whether there is a practical and reasonable solution to this epidemic, and if the government should be putting more effort in to address it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Kufa Legal & Political Science is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politique Étrangère is the property of Institut Francais des Relations Internationales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)