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This paper aims to study the image of Iranian women in the Safavid era within the work of French priest Raphael Du Mans entitled the Status of Iran in 1660. This book is one of the first works written in French about Safavid Iran and its author is unique among European tourists who traveled to Iran due to the length of his stay in Iran (more than half a century) and is also more famous than many other French tourists like Jean Chardin or Jean-Baptiste Tavernier. The present research seeks to first thematically classify the descriptions that Du Mans presents of Iranian women, based on the knowledge and method of imagology and then analyze his evaluative attitude towards Iranian women in each of these themes. Then, the reasons for this attitude are investigated based on intra-textual and extra -textual components. For this purpose the images of women within his book are extracted and classified. These images include women of religious minorities, the position of women inside and outside the house, dancing women, issues related to women's marriage and divorce, and polygamy. Then, by referring to historical resources and also checking -- the intratextual signs based on imagology the positive or negative evaluation of the images and the context of their formation are analyzed and identified. The result of the research is that most of the images that Du Mans presents of Iranian women have a negative connotation; the reason for which can be found in the purpose of his trip his European sense of superiority and also his ideas about women as a Catholic priest. Most of the images presented in Raphael Du Mans's book can be considered direct images, because the author has lived in Iran for many years and has made numerous observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

**Translator's note: Haifa implies that Iran is the only Muslim/ Arab country with compulsory hijab, which is not entirely accurate. I was raised and socialized as a woman, I was subjugated to physical, emotional and sexual abuse not only by the fascist regime of my country, but also by the patriotic household I was born into and was enabled by the Islamic regime. B PARASTOU FOROUHAR AND STATE VIOLENCE ON DISPLAY Bahar Noorizadeh b Graph Graph Graph B HAIFA ASADI b Graph Translation of Haifa Asadi's Twitter feed The elimination of mandatory hijab is not a luxurious demand. When you overlook these types of oppression and reduce the blood that is spilled in these lands to compulsory hijab - without explaining what the gender/ ethnicity/racial apartheid of this regime has done to the people of this land - you are practically turning compulsory hijab into a simple and obvious problem with a simple and obvious solution, when in fact, compulsory hijab is a complex and multi-layered political oppression. [Extracted from the article]

Firuzeh Mahmoudi is an Iranian human rights activist who founded United for Iran, a group that works to improve human rights conditions and civil liberties in Iran. The organization provides technological tools to document cases of abuse and protect Iranian citizens. Firuzeh highlights the leadership of women in the protest movement in Iran, which seeks religious freedom, gender equality, and basic rights. She also emphasizes the persecution of religious minorities in the country, especially the Bahá'ís. The transition to a secular state is a challenge, but it does not mean being without religion. Firuzeh believes it is important to include all persecuted groups in a transition process towards a freer society, as well as amplify the voices of those inside Iran and provide support for their efforts. [Extracted from the article]

After assuming power in 1925, Reza Shah promoted and strengthened nationalism in Iran and moved toward nation-building and enhancing national unity. Since the very beginning of his rule, the Reza Shah government paid contributions to foreign and national schools belonging to religious minorities with the intention to gradually oblige them to follow the Ministry of Education's programs. The present research has adopted a descriptive-explanatory approach, taking advantage of primary sources, not available to the previous authors, in order to analyze Reza Shah's cultural policies and the effect of these policies on the position of Jewish and Christian minority schools in Sanandaj. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do Armenians in Iran negotiate their space with the state and with their own communities? That is the central question of this paper, focusing on ways Archbishop Sebouh Sarkissian, the prelate of the Armenian Church in Iran, negotiates and explains boundaries with both the Iranian state and his community, from approximately 2000 to 2013: The state sets the structural framework for marginalized groups; yet minority groups, by responding to the framework and through negotiating boundaries, can influence and/or redefine the framework. In the same way, members of minority communities, through their responses to the set structures within the community, challenge and influence the framework. Moreover, the influences of globalisation and mobility have posed a greater challenge to the community's own structures than to the state's framework. 摘要: 在伊朗的亚美尼亚人如何与政府和自己的社群交涉他们的空间呢？这是本文的核心问题，重点是大约 2000 年至 2013 年间，伊朗亚美尼亚教会前身的塞布·萨尔基相大主教，是如何与伊朗政府及其社区谈判和解释界限的。本文的主要数据是 2013 年 3 月对塞布·萨尔基相大主教的采访。本文的结论表明，通常情况下国家为边缘化群体设定了结构框架: 然而，少数群体通过对框架作出反应和通过谈判界限，可以影响和/或重新定义框架。同样，少数群体社区的成员通过对社区内的固定结构作出反应，对框架也提出挑战和影响。此外，全球化和流动性的影响对社区自身结构提出了比国家框架更大的挑战。本文的贡献在于社会科学和宣教研究中的宗教界限的交涉。 Resumen: ¿Cómo negocian los armenios de Irán su lugar con el Estado y con sus propias comunidades? Esa es la pregunta fundamental de este trabajo que se centra en cómo, aproximadamente entre los años 2000 al 2013, el arzobispo Sebouh Sarkissian, prelado de la Iglesia armenia en Irán, negocia y explica los límites tanto al estado iraní como a su comunidad. Los datos principales para este trabajo provienen de una entrevista con el arzobispo Sebouh Sarkissian en marzo de 2013. Las conclusiones de este trabajo sugieren que, generalmente, el Estado establece el marco estructural para los grupos marginados; sin embargo, los grupos minoritarios pueden influir y/o redefinir el marco por la manera en que responden a las circunstancias y a través de la negociación de los límites. De la misma manera, los miembros de las comunidades minoritarias desafían e influyen al marco por cómo responden a las estructuras establecidas dentro de la comunidad. Además, las influencias de la globalización y la movilidad han planteado un desafío aún mayor para las propias estructuras de la comunidad que para el propio marco estatal. Este trabajo contribuye al estudio de la negociación de los límites religiosos dentro de las ciencias sociales y el estudio de las misiones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Marmara University Journal of Turkology / Marmara Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It appears that in accordance with the regulations of International Minority Rights Law, Iranian Sunni Muslims constitute a religious minority. The instrumental aim of the minorities' protection system is to prevent conflict between persons belonging to minorities and those of majority populations in the light of territorial integrity, domestic stability and the national security of the states involved. The authors maintain that protecting the Sunni minority and observing their internationally recognised rights in Iran – through removing the reasons behind dissatisfactions of persons belonging to this group, resolving potential religious conflicts and promoting national integration – have a direct link with the maintenance of internal stability of the country, which, in the long term, tend to reinforce Iran's national security and provide a good pattern for other countries in the region or other parts of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Christian, Jewish, and Zoroastrian minorities form less than two per cent of the Iranian population, the recognition of their official rights and the institutionalised legal discrimination against them has been a matter of a long conflict between minority rights activists and Muslim jurists since the Constitutional Revolution in 1905. The major part of this controversy relates to the assumed status of non-Muslims in traditional Shi'a jurisprudence. The present study examines and assesses the recognised status and rights of religious minorities in the two constitutions of 1906 and 1979 and their development. Although, due to the formation of new recitations in Shi'a jurisprudence, some changes have been made in identifying the fundamental rights of religious minorities, the domination of the general spirit of the rulings in Shi'a jurisprudence in the formulation of both constitutions means there is still a long way to go before recognising equal human rights for all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses about the study conducted on religiosity among the Persian Jewish Minority in the post- revolutionary period & the atrategy of the Islamic regime. Topics of discussion includes among the religious minorities of Persia, Jews are one of the most ancient populations. Before Islamic Revolution, there were cases of Jewish-Muslim or Jewish- Baha’i intermarriages reflecting religious tolerance, secularity, and acceptance.

The case of the Bahá'ís of Iran, the country's largest non-Muslim religious minority, is a "suspended" genocide and hence alarming. The human rights violations against the members of the Bahá'í community have been designed in such a way to draw as little international attention as possible. It is designed to eliminate slowly rather than to eradicate abruptly. Since its inception in 1979, the Islamic Republic has actively pursued the policy of Bahá'í persecution. This paper focuses on one aspect of the tactics used by the Iranian regime to violate the human rights of the Bahá'í community in Iran. To do so, moral panic theory and Foucault's power discourse have been used to offer an analysis of the Bahá'í persecutions as an underlying feature of Iran's domestic policy of othering, religious intolerance and Shi'a supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the oppression of religious minority groups in times of great upheaval in late Qajar Iran. Topics discussed include the 1892 persecution of jews and Baha'is of jewish origin in Hamadan based on two newly discovered letters. Topics include Hamadan is stated to be one of the two earliest Jewish settlements in Iran, and the Jews of Hamadan were forbidden from cultivating or possessing land.

Niche tourism, whose emphasis on a specific tourism product can meet the needs of a particular audience, has developed in the tourism area over recent decades. The dynamic and competitive nature of tourism means that staying alive in a competitive world needs the emergence of niche tourism. This paper tries to introduce Isfahan city (Iran) as a new destination for ghetto niche tourism development with an emphasis on religious minorities. Moreover, this research has two major purposes: 1) to investigate the attitude of domestic tourists for ghetto tourism development and 2) to measure national tourists' awareness of this niche market. This study was conducted in Isfahan, Iran. Data was gathered through questionnaire using simple random sampling method. On the basis of the results of this study it can be concluded that domestic tourists are not familiar with the ghetto tourism concept; however, they are interested in ghetto tourism development (activities, attractions and strategies) in Isfahan city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of Yazd in Qajar era shows several political-social incidents in different periods which have greatly affected the social, cultural, economic and even physical historical-ancient life of the city. Investigating the interaction between Iranians and the residents from different religions during the aforementioned era is interest of the study. This interaction has experienced some fluctuations including peaceful friendships as well as brutal conflicts. The present research is a scientific-investigative effort to perform a historical, periodical, and at the same time documentary and analytical study on the extent, type and method of interactions of the majority of Yazd residents such as Shia Muslims, with the religious minority living in Yazd or non-local Christians temporary living in Yazd for the purpose of performing preaching and advertising programs in Yazd during the Qajar era. The researchers' hypothesis is as follow: in the Qajar era there was a mutual communication, conflicts and correspondence between Christian minorities (evangelists) and Shia Muslims in Yazd most of which proves a relationship and peaceful coexistence between them. This study applies a comparative-historical methodology as well as examines the academic literature and field studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Islamic Revolution had a great impact on defining the position of religious minorities in Iran. Christians belonging to ethnic churches – Armenians and Assyrians – obtained constitutional rights. Others, especially Anglicans, conducting missionary activity, faced restrictions and persecution such as confiscation of property and arrests caused by the revolutionary authorities. The article presents Anglicans’ attitudes toward the Islamic Revolution, taking into account the international context of events related to the imprisonment of British citizens in 1980 – employees of the Anglican Diocese of Iran. It tries to prove, in fact, profound changes, both quantitative and qualitative, within Christianity in the Islamic Republic of Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the situation of Iran's Bahá'í community, the country's largest nom Muslim religious minority, in the context of the Islamic Republic's legal framework as well as President Hassan Rouhani's proposed Citizenship Rights Charter. Discussing provisions of the Iranian Constitution, Iran's criminal statute known as the Islamic Penal Code, and the proposed Citizenship Rights Charter, it is demonstrated that the Iranian government has institutionalized religious discrimination. Several examples of discrimination against Iranian Bahá'ís are provided to show the broad scope of these practices and how they impact individual Bahá'ís. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article supports the thesis that the Islamist movement in Iran that climaxed with the Islamic Revolution of 1979 defined itself primarily as a movement against Baha'is as the country's internal 'Other.' Through examining the works of Ayatollah Khomeini, this study shows that similar to Friedlaender's notion of 'redemptive anti-Semitism' in Nazi Germany, for Khomeini, the Muslim nation of Iran could only be saved by purging Baha'is. Khomeini's 'Othering' of Baha'is is an example of Bauman's 'anti-grammar' of Selfing/Othering in which the Other must be annihilated for a system of 'pure' sameness to be created. 'Subverting' the distinctions among Baha'is, agents of imperialism, Jews, Zionists, and Israel, Khomeini constructed a chain of equivalent identities among different elements seen as expressing a certain sameness - enmity to Islam and Iran. With the construction of this chain of equivalent identities, the struggle to eradicate Baha'is was transformed into a struggle to overthrow the Pahlavi regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article is an account of the Baha'i community of Isfahan during the Qajar period in Iran (1853-1921). Despite frequent persecutions launched by both the secular and religious authorities in the city, the community was able not only to survive but even to flourish. This article will give an account of the manner in which the community was a pawn in the conflict between the secular and religious authorities in the city and thus demonstrates the dangers and problems of being a minority religious community in Iran.1 As the facts are little known and just laying these out leaves no space for analysis and creating theoretical frameworks, the style of this article is largely narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A little over three decades ago, during the reign of the last Pahlavi monarch Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, non-Muslim religious minorities in Iran experienced life within a relatively tolerant society. Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Iran's native Zoroastrians, Jews, Christians, Mandaeans, and Baha'is have experienced increasing discrimination, isolation, and intimidation. Those non-Muslim religious minorities provide Iranian society with confessional pluralism and cultural diversity, thereby serving also as a moderating population sliver against Shi'ite. fundamentalism. But now the non-Muslim communities collectively have diminished to less than 2 percent of Iran's 75,2 million residents. Yet, these minorities have attracted very limited domestic and international attention or concern because their situation is poorly understood. This article, based on extensive fieldwork in Iran during the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s, examines the situations of those Zoroastrians, Christians, Jews, Mandaeans, and Baha'is. While Sunnis also are a religious minority in Iran and do experience prejudices too, intra-Muslim tension with its origins in seventh century religious disputes and its geopolitical reverberations to the present day go beyond the scope of this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the transformation of Iran after the Islamic Revolution in 1979. It states that the Iranian nation-state was no longer defined in terms of its connections to its ancient empires and monarchical past, rather the new regime sought to define the country as a national community united under Shi'a Islamic principles. With the new regime, the country was formed to Islamic Republic of Iran and established Islam as the state's official religion which greatly affected Iran's religious minorities.

Zoroastrianism, a religion which arose among Iranian peoples some 3,000 years ago, was the religion of the majority of Iranians prior to the Arab conquests of the mid-7th century. Since that time, a steady process of conversion to Islam has left a small Zoroastrian minority of 20,000 or less in Iran today. While community leaders are making efforts to keep the religion alive, factors such as emigration, intermarriage, and low birth rates now put the very survival of this ancient faith into question, not just throughout the global diaspora but within the land of its birth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Constitutional years (1906-11) the legal status of the Jews and some other religious minorities improved, even if only to a limited extent. Can one assume that this change in the legal status of the Jews reflected changes in the public's actual treatment toward the Jews in reality during the days leading up to the Constitutional Revolution in 1906? To an extent, the answer is in the affirmative. The present article argues, however, that the real life situation of the Jews in the years leading up to the Constitutional Revolution was still often one of abuse and occasional persecution. To prove this contention, section I of the article presents some such cases. Section II establishes some of the reasons for the attacks on the Jews—not only religious, but also economic and socio-political ones, as well as briefly suggesting certain recurring paradigms surrounding it. Section III looks at one case study from November 1905 in the city of Shiraz. Finally, this preliminary research ends with some concluding remarks. Be-karestan-e Sane' kas cheh danad, kherad dar kar-e U hayran bemanad.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the urban insertion of some Iranian religious minorities, focusing on three communities, all of which lived in separated neighborhoods: Armenians of Isfahan, Jews of Shiraz, and Zoroastrians of Yazd. After a discussion on the link between non-Muslims' spatial and social isolation and Iranian culture and Shiism, the paper goes on to describe the organization of these neighborhoods during the recent centuries and the recent - and contrastive - evolutions of two of them: while Zoroastrians view their quarter like a humiliating ghetto, of which they wish to go out, Armenians are proud of it, and try up till now to jealously preserve their isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a study which looks at patterns and trends in the treatment of non-Muslim communities in Iran in the post-2000 era. The study evaluates the domestic scene, the international reaction and the outcome for religious minorities. In the process, the investigation identifies various ethnic and religious groups, analyzes the meaning of the responses of religious minorities to state authorities and presents a specific case study of the legal issue of blood money.

The article focuses on the origin of the Bah& aacute;'& iacute; faith and its relationship to Islam, Christianity and Judaism. The origin of the Bahá'í faith can be traced to the city of Shiraz in southwest Iran, where, in 1844, religious leader Sayyid Ali Muhammad Shirazi confided to a select group of Shaykhi Shí'a Muslims that he was the Báb, the gate to the Hidden Imam of the Shía. Bahá'ís in Iran generally met with hostility from all of the other Abrahamic faiths, particularly among religious minorities from which the faith has drawn many converts.

This study investigates the extent to which the laws of Iran's Constitutional Revolution mark a break with Islam with regard to the legal status of religious minorities as reflected in the writings of some eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Imāmī Shī ī ulamā . Whereas Shī ī law usually treated religious minorities and Shī īs differentially, some—but not all—of the Revolutionary enactments treat religious minorities as the equals of Muslims. I conclude that the legal status of some religious minorities improved only somewhat during the Revolution as compared to their status under Shī ī law. The two-faced nature of the Revolution's enactments echoes the rival forces at work. The controversy over whether religious minorities should be treated as equals was legal in nature, but no less a dispute over the orientation of Iranian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the general pattern of demographic change among adherents of recognized religious minorities in Iran since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Information on Muslims in Iran; Details on the decline of Jewish and Christian populations; Factors behind the growth of Zoroastrianism in Iran; Description of the Baha'i religion.

Children hold beliefs about religious and scientific entities, such as angels or germs, that they cannot directly observe or interact with. Given their limited opportunities for first-hand observation, children's beliefs in these entities are a clear example of cultural learning and are likely to vary based on cultural factors. In the present study, we investigated variation in the epistemic stance of 4-11-year-old children growing up in a religious minority in China (N = 47), a religious majority in Iran (N = 85), and a religious majority in the U.S. (N = 74). To assess the role of community status as a domain-specific, as opposed to a domain-general, factor contributing to children's beliefs about unobservable entities, we compared children's beliefs about religious unobservable entities with their beliefs about scientific unobservable entities in these three communities. In all three communities, younger and older children were confident that unobservable religious and scientific entities exist. However, compared to children in Iran and the U.S., children from the religious minority group in China were more likely to justify their ontological beliefs about religious entities by appealing to the source of their beliefs. These results highlight the impact of community status on learning from testimony about unobservable entities. Additionally, the results show that under certain circumstances - notably when holding minority beliefs - tracking the source of beliefs serves as a central epistemic justification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]