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Many individuals in Iran continue to fall victim to landmine explosions, even decades after the Iran-Iraq war ended. While the Islamic Republic of Iran has made certain efforts to demine affected areas and establish a compensation system, individuals still suffer injuries from mines that the state has failed to remove or clear and struggle to get compensated following an incident. This research relies on data, case studies, legal analysis, and testimonies to provide a comprehensive assessment of the state's victim compensation system. The findings reveal that the compensation process is lengthy and arduous, with state agencies prioritising the interests of the state over those of the victims and their families. Consequently, victims and their families are left in increasingly dire economic and psychological circumstances, as not all receive compensation, and those who do receive minimal amounts after significant delays. During this time, victims deplete their meagre savings, exacerbating their already precarious situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Although deterrence can be traced back to the military literature and the writings of Carl von Clausewitz, deterrence theory neverthelessflourished in the Post-World War II era and after the advent of nuclear weapons. The deterrence strategy is especially important in some regions such as the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia, which are among the most intense conflict zones in the world. Research question: What are the conceptual coordinates of the internationalization of deterrence as a theoretical framework and its application to Iran's deterrence strategy in the peripheral regions? Research hypothesis: In response to the main question of the article, using the case study method, the author proposes the concept of internationalization of deterrence and examines its application first by the great powers of the world and then by Iran in its peripheral regions including the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia. The internationalization of deterrence means a situation where the deterrent power provides part of its military and security capabilities including weapons, forces, and allies to other actors who intend to raise the level of deterrence, increase its effectiveness and expands its geographical scope, thereby creating fundamental changes in the strategic calculations of a potential aggressor. Internationalization of deterrence using missile power and paramilitary groups has been a part of Iran's military and security strategy in peripheral regions including he Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia. Methodology and theoretical framework: In this research, using Qualitative case study method, the concept of internationalization of deterrence and its application by Iran at the regional and global level has been analyzed. This paper presents the theoretical framework of the internationalization of deterrence. In the framework of this theory, political actors in the field of world politics transfer part of their military and weapons capacity to allied actors with the aim of strengthening deterrence. Results and discussion: Deterrence theory flourished after World War II and after the advent of nuclear weapons. The United States as the first nuclear power, maintained a monopoly on nuclear weapons for four years. During the Cold War, as part of the nuclear sharing policy, the United States deployed tactical nuclear weapons in Europe to counterbalance the conventional superiority of the Warsaw Pact countries. Nuclear sharing was in fact a kind of internationalization of US nuclear deterrence. In addition to nuclear deterrence, world powers internationalized their conventional deterrence at lower levels. The deployment of Jupiter missiles in Turkey, the deployment of Soviet missiles in Cuba, the deployment of the American and Soviet missiles on European soil, and the AUKUS treaty are among the most important examples of internationalization of conventional deterrence after World War II. The collapse of the Soviet Union, the end of the Cold War and the emergence of new threats such as terrorism, cyber attacks and limited wars, caused a change in the deterrence strategy of countries and more attention to improving conventional deterrence. Iran is one of the countries that has changed its conventional deterrence strategy in the last few decades. The 1979 revolution can be considered as the origin of Iran's proxy deterrence because one of its most important goals was the export of its revolutionary thinking for the freedom of the nations of the region. Although this ideal did not change any country in the region, it aligned some groups in Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, Palestine, Syria, Afghanistan, Pakistan and etc. with Iran's regional doctrine. The 8-year Iran-Iraq war can be considered as the source of Iran's missile deterrence. In the early years after the victory of the revolution, the structure of Iran's military forces was practically in disarray. Saddam Hussein also tried to use this opportunity to achieve his expansionist goals in the oil-rich areas of Iran. During the war, while the Iraqi army had access to many conventional and unconventional weapons from 80 countries, Iran was under arms embargo and in order to receive a limited number of missiles, it had to enter into tough diplomatic and military negotiations with four countries: Syria, Libya, North Korea, and China. After the end of the war, the development of the missile program became a key to Iran's deterrence strategy. Due to arms embargoes and financial problems after the war, Iran first built its pillars of deterrence on the two bases of proxy and missile deterrence, and in the second stage, it internationalized its deterrence in peripheral regions such as the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia. Conclusion: The 1979 revolution and the 8-year war with Iraq prompted Iran to use a different deterrence strategy in its peripheral regions in order to internationalize its deterrence. Financial problems after the 8-year war with Iraq, as well as arms embargos, led Iran to internationalize its deterrence using missile power and allied groups. This policy has changed the strategic calculations of possible aggressive powers and has prevented a new large-scale war against Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Overlooked but Not Forgotten' is the first work to examine the 'Jewish Exemption Claim'. In doing so, this article asks two questions. One, is the Jewish Exemption Claim true: did the Islamic Republic exempt Iranian Jews from the 'war fronts' of the Iran-Iraq War ('the War)' from 1980 to 1986? Two, because a clear, definitive answer may be lacking, is there evidence that Jewish Iranians participated in the War at the war fronts as opposed to the home fronts? In addition to examining the original source of the Claim, 'Overlooked but Not Forgotten' analyzes the available empirical data. It also analyzes the digital archives of the Society of Tehran Jews, a civic organization that historically has played a role in Jewish Tehranis' socio-cultural lives. The article also produces oral histories from Tehrani Jews who lived in Iran during the War. Ultimately, 'Overlooked but Not Forgotten' unsettles the Jewish Exemption Claim, helps undo exclusionist representations of how Jewish pasts are archived, narrated, and commemorated, and provides a foundation from which to further pursue research on the Claim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is growing evidence that the spiritual/religious (S/R) beliefs of war veterans change, even years after the war. Researchers need to explore these changes in different cultures and religions. This study therefore identified S/R changes in Iranian war veterans after three decades of war between Iran and Iraq. The participants were veterans (n = 14), their relatives (n = 5: wives [3] and children [2]), and service providers and decision and policymakers (n = 12) at the Foundation for Martyrs and Veterans' Affairs (N = 31) in Iran. We collected data with semistructured interviews and used an inductive approach to carry out thematic content analysis (Graneheim et al. in Nurse Education Today, 56, 29–34 2017). Two key themes emerged, namely, questioning S/R values and finding new S/R beliefs and concepts. Qualitative assessment of S/R status in Iranian war veterans should assist service providers in making referrals, evaluations, and interventions, which could include spiritual and culture-based care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study conducts a comprehensive survey of the evolving discourse surrounding women's competitive sport in Iran from 1979 to 2020. This research identifies three distinctive discursive sequences delineating the trajectory of women's sport within this timeline. The initial phase, termed 'Suspending Discourse' emerged during the 1980s due to the disruptive effects of the Islamic Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War, resulting in the cessation of women's competitive sport in the country. Subsequently, the 'Modality Discourse' evolved after the late 1980s, characterized by efforts to align women's sport with Islamic regulations. Noteworthy accomplishments during this period include the establishment of the Islamic Women's Games, gender-segregated competitions, and increased international participation due to the acceptance of Islamic veils for Muslim female athletes by some international sports federations. Lastly, the 'Discourse of Conditional Growth' signifies the remarkable advancements in women's sports, notably in national team championships and the development of semi-professional sports leagues since the 1990s, despite persisting challenges. This study unveils the transformative phases of discourse, illustrating the progression of women's competitive sports in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Representing Iran in East Germany: Ideology and the Media in the German Democratic Republic" is a book that examines the representation of Iran in East German newspapers and news agencies from 1949 to 1990. The author, Edgar Klüsener, analyzes the coverage of Iran in the context of the GDR's political and social history, using methodologies of media analysis. The book highlights the use of Western news agencies in the GDR's press coverage, indicating the limits of the GDR's projection abroad and its failure to provide a fully alternative perspective. The relationship between foreign policy and press coverage is also explored, showing how coverage of Iran mirrored changes in Berlin's foreign policy. The book provides valuable insights for political historians, historians of international relations, and those interested in East-South relations. [Extracted from the article]

Beginning in 2016 Iran's naval posture in the Persian Gulf changed from a defensive-offensive strategy, which had been in effect since 2001, to an offensive one. This was reinforced in 2019–2020, when, in response to the Trump administration, Iranian military strategists determined that any potential confrontation with the country's adversaries is likely to take place at sea rather than on land or in the air. After the end of the Iran–Iraq war, Iran's naval strategies can be divided into three, each coinciding with different periods: defensive (1988–2001), defensive-offensive (2001–2016) and offensive (since 2016). The intensification of the US military presence in the Persian Gulf and issuing threats against Iran have played a central role Tehran's adoption of an offensive naval strategy. Features of this new strategy include the development of ballistic and cruise missile programmes; development and deployment of drones in naval manoeuvres; the use of air defence in supporting naval operations; deepening Iran's military presence in Persian Gulf islands; ensuring the ability to disrupt the flow of energy; conducting naval manoeuvres in collaboration with trans-regional powers and continued use of proxy warfare. Tehran believes the new strategy will help it better prepare for international threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The production of petroleum substances has a long historical tradition in Iran. Glance (1970) reported that the "first man‐made oil well was dug" in the ancient city of Susa (present‐day Shush), about 40 km northwest of Ahwaz, in 500 BC during the reign of the Achaemenid emperor Darius I. Writing in the fifth century BC, Herodotus described petroleum production near a place called Ardericca, probably present‐day Masjed Soleyman, located 210 furlongs from Susa (Lees, 1950). The petroleum substances produced included bitumen which was used in construction and the waterproofing of ships. Sorkhabi (2005) detailed the petroleum history in Iran during ancient and medieval times. The modern quest for oil in Iran dates from the second half of the 19th century. From a historical perspective, this modern period can be divided into six distinct phases: (i) The early years, 1872–1900; (ii) The Anglo‐Persian years, 1901–1932; (iii) The Anglo‐Iranian Years and Nationalization, 1933–1953; (iv) The second Pahlavi years, 1954–1978 including the rise of OPEC; (v) The Islamic Revolution and Iran‐Iraq War, 1979–1989; and (vi) Buyback Contracts and US Sanctions, 1990–Present. The search for oil was singularly unsuccessful during the first of these phases and the early years of the second phase. However, after a difficult six‐year exploration campaign, oil in commercial quantities was struck in the early hours of 26 May, 1908 at Maidan‐e Naftun, which in later years achieved world fame as the Masjed Soleyman oil field. Since then, more than 120 oil and gas field discoveries have been made in Iran's onshore areas and its territorial waters in the Persian Gulf. The story of oil has always been an emotive and politically charged issue in Iran and has been the focus of great national interest and debate for over a century. Certainly, the discovery in 1908 marked a milestone in Iran's 20th century history: it ushered in a new era – an era not only of progress and prosperity, but also of social and political upheaval and turmoil that has not yet ended (Ala, 2007). In this paper, important events in each of the historical phases identified above are briefly reviewed. Emphasis is placed on the emergence of the modern petroleum industry in Iran, and the early phases are covered in particular detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brandon J. Weichert's book, 'The Shadow War: Iran's Quest for Supremacy,' provides a comprehensive analysis of the geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East, with a focus on Iran's influence. The book covers historical events, political developments, and strategic maneuvers, highlighting Iran's ambitions and the implications of U.S. foreign policy decisions. Weichert emphasizes the need for a proactive strategy to contain Iran's influence and safeguard the interests of the U.S. and its allies. The book warns that failing to address Iran's tactics could have significant consequences for global security. [Extracted from the article]

Chemical warfare agents (CWAs) have been classified as fatal weapons of mass destruction because of their toxicity and deadly consequences. Among other CWAs, sulfur mustards (HDs) were employed during the Iraq–Iran war (1984–1988), causing significant fatal effects for 100 000 military and civilian Iranians, and around 45000 people are still suffering from long-term health repercussions. Hence, the detection and detoxification of these acutely dangerous chemicals are critical for protecting ourselves and have thus sparked much scientific interest around the globe. In this regard, studies show that various photoresponsive porous organic materials like activated metal–organic-frameworks (MOFs), porous organic polymers (POPs), covalent organic frameworks (COFs), and TiO2-derived materials are highly effective for the photochemical detoxification of HDs. Given this context, we have traversed through the history of developing various photoresponsive porous materials and their efficacy in detoxifying CWAs, notably HDs. Moreover, we highlighted the numerous research methodologies reported to detect and modulate the excitonic effects in photoporous materials, which can tune the in situ-generated reactive oxygen species (ROS) responsible for HD detoxification. Lastly, we have listed the hurdles in creating photoactive porous materials and functionalizing them for large-scale HD detoxification. Although most of the described porous photocatalysts demonstrated good lab-scale performance, relatively few are accessible for large-scale industrial use. We have also addressed the future needs and potential for employing photoporous materials for efficient detoxification of HDs on an industrial scale to alleviate the issue of CWA/HD stockpiling and their potential use as a weapon of mass destruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research has pointed to the decreasing effect of revolutions and wars on income inequality. It is unclear whether this reduction is the result of ongoing changes before revolutions and wars or if the results are standalone effects. In this study, we focus on the case of the Iranian Revolution of 1978–1979 and the subsequent Iran–Iraq war from 1980 to 1988. We use the synthetic control method to study the effect of revolution and war on changes in income inequality levels. Had there been no revolution and war in Iran, how would income inequality have developed? Utilizing the synthetic control method, we create a counterfactual Iran that reproduces the socioeconomic characteristics of Iran before the Islamic revolution. Then, we compare the income inequality of the counterfactual Iran without the revolution and war to the factual Iran under a new political regime for the period of 1970–1988. Our results, based on two different indicators of Iran's Gini index, show a significant effect of the revolution and war on reducing income inequality. Over the entire 1979–1988 period, on average and per year, the Gini index of Iran was reduced by approximately three standard deviations of the index. The main findings are robust to a series of tests, including placebo tests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al Malweah for Archaeological & Historical Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aims: More than three decades have passed since the end of the Iraq-Iran war, and this period has been concurrent with a rapid growth of the older community in Iran which includes the community of veterans who often suffer from serious psychological and behavioral problems. The study aimed to investigate the prevalence and determinants of loneliness in middle and older veterans in southern Iran. Materials & methods: A cross-sectional study conducted among 583 middle and older male veterans (50 years <) who were selected by the census method in 2021. Data collection was done using UCLA Loneliness Scales. The collected data were entered into SPSS version-26 and Amos-24 and analyzed by multivariate ANOVA, multivariate regression, and structural equation at a threshold significance level of 0.05. Findings: The mean score of feeling lonely in the veterans was 51.08 ± 4.74. The study found a significant relationship between the participants' education and their feeling of loneliness (P-value = 0.01, effect size = -0.31). Multivariate regression demonstrated that demographic variables (i.e., age, employment status, level of education, type of living) and the severity and type of injury predict 31% of the variance in the middle and older veterans' feeling of loneliness. Conclusion: The mental, psychological and physical effects of war disability were associated with the social functions of veterans in the family and community. Strategies such as increasing social support and psychological counseling for veterans along with improving their pension and income can be effective in promoting public health, especially the mental health of this group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research discusses the efforts of the United States and the Soviet Union to end the Iraq-Iran war after its escalation in the recent years of its events, which affected global oil supplies and the interests of both countries in the region. The first of these efforts began when the United Nations Security Council issued Resolution 598 in 1987, which called for a ceasefire between Iraq and Iran. However, Iran did not comply with the international resolution, prompting the United States to intensify its talks with the Soviet Union. The issue of ending the war was discussed in their bilateral meetings and presidential summits held in Washington and Moscow. Ultimately, Iran succumbed to the efforts of the two superpowers and agreed to a ceasefire, leading to the end of the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Thi Qar Arts Journal is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Did the formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran empower or weaken workers? Scholars have mainly studied how regime consolidation between 1979 and 1983 weakened labor organizations. By contrast, I argue that the Iran-Iraq war (1980–88) empowered workers by compelling state actors to incorporate segments of the industrial workforce vertically into the state. Corporatism – the hierarchical integration of the state and organized groups representative of industrial labor – expanded workers' associational bargaining power in post-revolutionary Iran. Triangulating between official and non-state archival sources, I propose three mechanisms leading to corporatist development in war-time Iran. First, inter-party and factional competition pushed state elites to accept revolutionary work councils as legitimate institutions. Second, war and international isolation forced managers, bureaucrats, and the military to support work councils in order to increase productivity and recruit worker-soldiers. Third, by asserting control over an expanding bureaucracy in charge of war mobilization, labor leaders were able to create a more autonomous organization, called the Workers' House. In the MENA, corporatism is usually associated with authoritarian consolidation. By contrast, corporatist development in Iran led to industrial workers' political inclusion. Corporatism in the Islamic Republic arguably improved labor rights, increased workers' influence in policy-making, and helped broaden and institutionalize competition between political elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the College Of Basic Education is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the outbreak of the Iraq-Iran war, most Asian and European countries declared their neutrality, but when the war expanded to include the countries of the region, all countries of the world realized the dangers of that war, which threatened their vital interests in the Arabian Gulf region. However, these initiatives were unsuccessful due to the overlap of political and economic interests with these initiatives, hence the highlight of the initiatives of the countries of Asia and Europe (1980-1988) and the real motives behind those initiatives and the position of the war parties. The research was based on a number of published and unpublished documents, the most important of which are the unpublished documents kept in the Iraqi Books and Documents House, referred to as the symbol (KD), and the documents of the Iraqi Ministry of Culture and Information. Shatha Faisal Rasha al-Obeidi's thesis (Turkey and the Levant Issues, 1967-1988), as well as the message of the Soviet Union's position on the Iran-Iraq War, 1980-1988 The researcher Jassim Mohsen Obaid, while the books on which the researcher was based on the book tagged (studies in the Iraq-Iran war) by the author Ali Sabti Mohammed, and the book of Genk Iraq and Iran by the author Ali Reza Lutfullah Zadkan, and has been used many newspapers and magazines Iraqi and Arab Al-Gomhuria newspaper, Al-Rai Al-Aam newspaper, International Politics magazine, Women of the Nation, and all Arabs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Islamic Republic of Iran's efforts to export its revolution in the Middle East is quite old news. The largest regional conventional war in recent history was the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988), which not only sharpened the historical enmities and hostilities between Arab-Sunnis and Persian-Shiʿi but also revealed Iran's new foreign policy activism among the other Shiʿi communities in the Middle East – but not only them. This article argues that, after having failed to establish a pro-Iranian government in Iraq, Iran's regional foreign policy, especially in the matters of managing its proxies and allies in its efforts to build a functional territorial corridor between Iran and Lebanon via Iraq and Syria, views the Syrian geographical region as the last important fortress it needs to complete this strategy. Even though Iran's economic problems are acute because of decades of sanctions and isolation, Iran still invests billions of dollars in order to safeguard this bastion. The central argument of this work is that the tactical success that the proxies are presently providing for Iran and Syria has been limited to the very specific goal of preserving the Syrian regime since this is what has been enabling Iran to expand its regional stronghold. In terms of this being an effective long-term strategy, however, and despite Iran's insistence that a proxy war is necessary, such a war benefits its rivals as well. This is because the strategy leads to Iran isolating itself even more in the region and to a loss of its territories of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist scholarship on the Middle East has often critiqued binaristic framings of gender rights which draw on Western-centric tropes of cosmopolitan modernity versus local backwardness. What I argue, through examining visual mediations of Covid-19 on Iranian social media, is that gender is reconfigured in this context as part of a nationalism that is both modernising and conservative. I particularly focus on how montage—a modernist visual genre—is utilised in the production of an Iranian national security imaginary which combines a rhetoric of modern, mixed-gender medical care with haunting resonances of male martyrdom and sacrifice during the Iran–Iraq war. While much has been written recently about Covid and national security, what is less discussed is how particularistic narratives of crisis can produce innovative reconfigurations of gender and modernity. Yet while Benjamin envisaged montage as a weapon in the destruction of aura, here, I argue, the deployment of aura supports the state's "capture" of haunting affects as it seeks to re-shape national memory. What this suggests is that crisis permits a conditional shifting of gender roles, but this move is legitimated through the invocation of a redemptive history, wherein the nation re-emerges triumphant out of disaster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains why Iran was unsuccessful in its efforts to persuade Shiʿi Iraqis to support Iran during the critical early years of the Iran–Iraq war. Analysis of Iranian and Iraqi framing communicated to that target population shows Iran failed due to both structural and cultural factors. Its media strategy lacked reach and variety and it misunderstood the cultural identity of Shiʿi Iraqis. The author makes use of original archive material of radio transcripts from 1981–1983 as well as other primary sources and historical accounts. The research makes an original theoretical contribution by applying media contest theory to a military confrontation between two sovereign states, rather than between a state 'authority' facing a non-state 'challenger'. The findings have implications for considering how Iran today may communicate more effectively beyond its borders through regional media strategies and thus the viability of a mediatized Shiʿism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sulfur mustard (SM) is an alkylating and forming chemical that was widely used by Iraqi forces during the Iran–Iraq wars. One of the target organs of SM is the skin. Understanding the mechanisms involved in the pathogenesis of SM may help better identify complications and find appropriate treatments. The current study collected ten SM-exposed patients with long-term skin complications and ten healthy individuals. Proteomics experiments were performed using the high-efficiency TMT10X method to evaluate the skin protein profile, and statistical bioinformatics methods were used to identify the differentially expressed proteins. One hundred twenty-nine proteins had different expressions between the two groups. Of these 129 proteins, 94 proteins had increased expression in veterans' skins, while the remaining 35 had decreased expression. The hub genes included RPS15, ACTN1, FLNA, HP, SDHC, and RPL29, and three modules were extracted from the PPI network analysis. Skin SM exposure can lead to oxidative stress, inflammation, apoptosis, and cell proliferation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 1986, a dramatic top-secret meeting of the Baʿth Pan Arab Leadership, the party's highest ideological body, fully recorded by Ṣaddām Ḥussein, took place in wartime Baghdad. This meeting is thrice unique. First, the medium, an unabridged, audio-recording. Second, the topic, the dilemma of many Middle Eastern ruling regimes, vacillating between a secular, or semi-secular ideology and Islamic political expediency. In the case of the Baʿth, a more secular and ideological movement than most, this dilemma is particularly poignant. Third, it is exposing a bitter clash between a brutal dictator, who had executed comrades for opposing him, and three brave lieutenants. On the surface it was convened to discuss a tactical alliance with a sworn enemy, the Muslim Brethren (MB). At a dangerous moment in the Iraq-Iran War, Ṣaddām identified swelling popular religiosity. He hoped that an alliance with the MB would blunt criticism of his regime's secularism. All the same, some participants feared that secular Arabism, the central tenet of Baʿthi faith, was at stake. Unexpectedly, the meeting produced a startling drama. Albeit temporarily, it forced Ṣaddām to take one step back. Other ideologically oriented dictators, such as Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, Ḥāfiẓ al-Assad, and the Ayatollah Khomeini, too, faced ideology-politics dilemmas, yet none of them left such a surprising chronicle. A similar audio recording also comes to mind that offers a rare verbatim meeting of the inner working of a county's highest institution at a moment of crisis – the transcripts of Kennedy's ExComm during the Cuban Missile Crisis. While it deliberated an existential global matter and took place in a democracy, one sees similarities, namely, its detail, the exposure of emotional charges, the ability to speak truth to power, and the benefit resulting from that ability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the College Of Basic Education is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Human Sciences (19922876) is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the post-Cold War era, inthe three decades since the end of the Cold War, the armstrade between Russia and Iran has been entirely one way.It's been Russia selling and Iran buying. With the world headlines focussed on the war in Ukraine,media attention in early 2022 drifted away from closeattention to happenings in Iran - in spite of USPresident Joe Biden's moves to reinstate the Obamanuclear agreement nuclear with Iran. The ultimate goal is to control these groups and then usethem to contest the relationship with the state andreorient the foreign and security policy of that state. You are more thanlikely to hear about the security threat posed by Iran,or the nuclear issue, or the Iran-Saudi, Iran-Israel,Iran-US tension. [Extracted from the article]

Introduction: A great number of Iranian military forces have sustained sulfur mustard gas exposure during the Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988 and have survived with dental care needs. Accordingly, this study aimed to discover the prevalence of intraoral lesions and periodontal diseases associated with the percentage of being chemical veterans. Methods: This cross-sectional study was conducted in the summer of 2009 on 40 chemical veterans. The patients were examined using dental mirrors under dental unit light, as well as a periodontal probe, to evaluate soft tissue attachment. The clinical results were then documented on medical records. Data were analyzed using the Chi-square test and two independent sample t-tests in SPSS software (version 19). A p-value less than 0.05 was considered statistically significant. Results: The study population was composed of 40 patients with a mean age of 50.7±9.32 years, mean pocket depth of 1.47±0.31 mm, and mean bleeding on probing of 0.35±0.24 mm. Furthermore, 55% and 27.5% of the patients had xerostomia and temporomandibular joint dysfunction, respectively. However, no significant association was found between these factors and the percentage of being veterans. Conclusion: The study findings showed that 96.7% of the patients had bleeding on probing problem. The mean score of plaque index that is a practical measurement on evaluating oral hygiene was 2.06±0.99. Therefore, informing chemical veterans about their periodontal health by performing regular dental assessments by dental specialists and instructing oral hygiene seem to be this group's need. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on extensive fieldwork and original research in Iran, this article examines the establishment and evolution of the Islamic Republic's rural reconstruction and development organization, Construction Jihād (CJ), during the Iranian Revolution and the Iran‐Iraq War. By invoking populist and pious concepts, newly ascendant religiopolitical elites facilitated CJ's mobilization and expansion to gain support from rural residents and to consolidate power against political opponents. As CJ transitioned from a revolutionary organization to a government ministry, some of its members underwent a motivational and existential transformation that complicated and contradicted their initially anti‐bureaucratic and anti‐materialistic ethos and worldview – a trajectory that paralleled that of other revolutionary and wartime activists and volunteers. This article makes a scholarly contribution by exploring a significant yet understudied Iranian institution, its multifaceted interpretation and conceptualization of non‐military jihād and faith‐based development, and the potential of religion to be a force for both cohesion and contention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gharee for Economics & Administration Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This paper addresses the post-war reconstruction experience of Qasr-e-Shirin, Iran, in the aftermath of the Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988). Compared with the war-damaged cities in southwest Iran, western cities such as Qasr-e-Shirin lack a post-war reconstruction assessment and documentation. With an objective view, the author aims at documenting the situation of the city almost thirty years after its reconstruction. To this purpose, ten criteria based on the other national and international experiences, as well as the primary aims of the reconstruction plan itself and the community's needs have been developed. Data is acquired through extensive fieldwork, interview, reviewing governmental documents and other relevant national and international literature. Moreover, for the assessment of the reconstruction plan, a GIS analysis is conducted. The results show that the reconstruction process of Qasr-e Shirin was not successful in reviving the city nor in encouraging the migrants to return to their hometown. Analysis of this experience confirms that a detailed assessment of pre- and post-war reconstruction, preparing a flexible and long-term plan based on the resources and needs, documentation and monitoring, coordination and harmony between the stakeholders, community participation and empowerment and using technologies such as remote sensing and modern communication means are among the influential factors in yielding positive results in the post-war reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the social components of national resilience as the source of the Islamic Republic of Iran's ability to cope with possibly lethal blows and economic setbacks through four stages: (I) an account of the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War and the surprising outcome that left Iran undefeated, (II) a review of several theories that can aid us to analyze Iran's national resilience ability, (III) an analysis of Iran's wartime survival using the abovementioned theoretical infrastructure, (IV) a concise review of current issues in Iranian society which concludes with an evaluation of the state of Iran's resilience regarding attacks on their nuclear program and its ramifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using newly available Iraqi records, this article revisits Saddam Hussein's decision to attack Iran in 1980. His decision defies easy categorization as offensive or defensive, strategic or ideological. The invasion's rationale reflected a diverse array of factors rather than any single overriding determinant. Simultaneously a defensive response to Iranian provocations and an attempt to exploit post-revolutionary Iranian weakness, the invasion was also thoroughly wound up in Saddam's ideological proclivities and exalted self-conception. Additionally, Saddam viewed attacking Iran as a step toward assuming his destiny as a great Arab leader and—more intriguingly—as a potential springboard to an eventual war against Israel. Strategy, ideology, and personality flowed together, creating a potent mix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article gives an analysis of the combat employment of the strike aviation of the Iraqi Republic in the fight against sea targets during the Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988. The purpose of the article is to identify the application and effectiveness of various types of Iraqi air force combat aircraft against merchant shipping and warships in the Persian Gulf during the most active outbreak of hostilities at sea during the so-called “tanker war” of 1983-1988. Based on the use of statistical and mathematical methods of historical analysis, the low effectiveness of the fatal attacks of Iraqi pilots against tankers and bulk carriers of the enemy is revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deconstructs how religious musical eulogies, as the most important discursive practices of Shi'a rituals (Ghaffari 2019), were used as "war songs" serving to construct the Iranian national identity during the 1980–1988 Iraq-Iran war. These musical practices (in)formed the wider ideological and persuasive rhetoric of Iranians. In this paper, I analyse the textual and musical features of the audio-recorded versions of ten well-known war songs. The Discourse-Historical Approach (Reisigl and Wodak 2016) is used to analyse the discursive strategies and persuasive rhetorical tools within the lyrics. I draw on Machin (2010), Machin and Richardson (2012) and van Leeuwen (1999) to analyse various features of voice and the modality of sounds. This paper concludes that, by reflecting the power of religious discourse in the non-religious and highly nationalistic occasion of war, Iranian war songs were inspired by the religious eulogies in encouraging the Iranian nation to attend the war fronts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the effects of the recent developments in Iran--namely, the Iranian Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War--on the activities of multinational corporations (MNCs) in the Arab oil-producing countries of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates. The level of sales, contracts, and investments by MNCs reflect the perceived spill-over effect of revolution and war and therefore the perceived increase in the risk of losses due to political instability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sulfur mustard (SM), a bi-functional alkylating agent, was used during World War I and the Iran-Iraq war. SM toxicity is ten times higher in eyes than in other tissues. Cornea is exceptionally susceptible to SM-injuries due to its anterior positioning and mucous-aqueous interphase. Ocular SM exposure induces blepharitis, photosensitivity, dry eye, epithelial defects, limbal ischemia and stem cell deficiency, and mustard gas keratopathy leading to temporary or permanent vision impairments. We demonstrated that dexamethasone (Dex) is a potent therapeutic intervention against SM-induced corneal injuries; however, its mechanism of action is not well known. Investigations employing proteomic profiling (LC-MS/MS) to understand molecular mechanisms behind SM-induced corneal injury and Dex efficacy were performed in the rabbit cornea exposed to SM and then received Dex treatment. PEAKS studio was used to extract, search, and summarize peptide identity. Ingenuity Pathway Analysis was used for pathway identification. Validation was performed using immunofluorescence. One-Way ANOVA (FDR < 0.05; p < 0.005) and Student's t -test (p < 0.05) were utilized for analyzing proteomics and IF data, respectively. Proteomic analysis revealed that SM-exposure upregulated tissue repair pathways, particularly actin cytoskeleton signaling and inflammation. Prominently dysregulated proteins included lipocalin2, coronin1A, actin-related protein2, actin-related protein2/3 complex subunit2, actin-related protein2/3 complex subunit4, cell division cycle42, ezrin, bradykinin/kininogen1, moesin, and profilin. Upregulated actin cytoskeleton signaling increases F-actin formation, dysregulating cell shape and motility. Dex reversed SM-induced increases in the aforementioned proteins levels to near control expression profiles. Dex aids corneal wound healing and improves corneal integrity via actin cytoskeletal signaling and anti-inflammatory effects following SM-induced injuries. • SM activates actin cytoskeletal signaling in corneas. • SM induces an inflammatory response in corneas. • DEX reduces cytoskeletal signaling and inflammation in corneas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues against a universalist theory in which Shi’ism explains all Iranian sacrifices during the Iran-Iraq War. The article asserts four methodological reasons why the current focus on Shi’ism as the explanation for “acts of martyrdom” is insufficient. The “Sacred Defense” literature of Christians, Zoroastrians, and the Fedayeen-e Khalq is examined to support the argument that nearly four decades of the Shah’s rule and the battle over the future of the country engendered Iran as the sacred. Iranian minorities also participated in this internal battle. Unsurprisingly these same communities constituted the Iranian military forces at the start of the War. Yet, the reason why these diverse individuals and communities offered of and from themselves remains couched within the hegemonically unhelpful idioms related to Shi’as and Shi’ism and their alleged culture of martyrdom. This article demonstrates how the Islamic Republic perpetuates this image of its populace, Shias and non-Shias alike, as part of a larger monotheistic culture of sacrifice. In contrast, this article re-inserts these communities back into Iranian history in their own words to demonstrate that some individuals willingly offered their lives during the early stages of the Iran-Iraq War because of nationalism, not a religious culture of sacrifice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]