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Political communication exemplifies rhetoric and propagandist approach in its various forms, among which the Aristotle's rhetorical theory and its three aspects, ethos, pathos and logos are the major ones. This study used these three as indicators of public rhetoric in the context of Indonesian parliamentarian speeches This study used a qualitative research design, to produce descriptive data comprising sampled speech excerpts of parliamentarians. Secondary data from journals, books, documents, websites, media helped in sustaining the rhetorical criticism. The data was analyzed using data reduction techniques prior to describing, clarifying, and interpreting the data. The study took a discourse analytical approach to find out the implied ideas in the sampled speech excerpts. The theoretical dimensions explained by Wodak (2012) and Fairclough (2000a, 2000b) helped this study to analyze the linguistic data and find out the structures intended by the speakers. The study findings imply that the parliamentarians who speak on the policy of handling COVID-19 in Indonesia are largely determined by their position, whether from parties supporting the government or the opposition. The application of the Aristotelian three principles would provide useful insights to understand the objectives and impact of the political speeches.

Radicalism has become a serious threat in Indonesia, especially through the spreading of extreme ideologies through social media and online platforms. This threat is increasingly pervasive with the rise of radical propaganda, which can be easily accessed by the public, especially through Twitter. Therefore, this research has the main objective, namely identifying the urgency of the threat of radicalism propaganda in cyberspace and analyzing the important role of digital literacy as an effective prevention tool. The thematic analysis method is used to examine radical content spread on Twitter, using the Nvivo 12 Plus tool to support the data analysis process. The findings of this research highlight the importance of increasing digital literacy in society as a strategic step in facing the growing threat of radicalism. Digital literacy has an important role in equipping individuals with the ability to identify, analyze, and counter harmful content and actively participate in reporting such threats to the authorities. In this case, the government's active support in holding digital literacy education programs and awareness campaigns is crucial. We can create a safer and smarter digital environment with close cooperation between all parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historiography of the Dutch–Indonesian war, also known as the Indonesian Revolution, generally focuses on the origins and types of violence that occurred during the conflict. The war-related photographs published by the Indonesian press during the conflict have received hardly any examination by scholars. This article examines photographs published by the nationalist-leaning newspaper Kedaulatan Rakjat (KR) in Yogyakarta, the city known as the capital of the Indonesian Revolution, between 1945 and 1946. The KR published several types of photographs. The first introduced and promoted Indonesian national leaders. The second demonstrated the ruthlessness of the enemies of the Republic, especially the Dutch and the British. The third depicted the valour and victory of the Indonesian forces in the face of the enemy. The fourth illustrated the massive support of the Indonesian people for the Republic. The Republic's foreign enemies only appeared graphically in the newspaper as cruel but weak soldiers or as cold-blooded politicians. Through the photographs published in the KR , the authority, efficacy, and strength of the newly born Republic were visually proven and further promoted, while the horror of the Dutch and British acts was continuously emphasized to a large audience. This, in turn, justified the hatred and violence against the Dutch and British. Through this photographic framing, the Kedaulatan Rakjat shaped public opinions and attitudes to support the fight against the Dutch and the British. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia's Islamic counter-publics have entered a new phase. Dominant definitions of the counter-public emphasise its reliance upon modes of publicity and public deliberation that conflict with dominant ones. In contemporary Indonesia, however, the practice of contemporary counter-public preachers requires a new definition. Preachers linked to Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), such as Felix Siauw and Fuadh Naim, do not counter-position in relation to popular culture, but appropriate it to reach broader audiences. Where popular culture might suggest an ethic of freedom or liberal sociability, such cultural forms are appropriated alongside messages that explicitly proscribe those liberal meanings. Contemporary counter-public preachers appropriate the symbolic repertoires of multiculturalism such as Javanese puppetry and poetry, as well as the images and music of the Korean Wave, yet do so to critique emergent liberal interpretations. These strategies are connected to contemporary politics, for both preachers have been long-time devotees of the pro-Khilafah cause that has recently been banned from public activity by the Indonesian government. The appropriation strategy suits the current moment, when dissimulation is a necessary element of practice for preachers who support the cause. In other words, they rebrand HTI by packaging almost everything with persuasive purpose to propagate Islamist ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article ties the studies of computational propaganda to studies of the state in the Global South by examining "political buzzers"—actors of Indonesian computational propaganda. Rather than an extension of state propaganda, I argue that buzzers are a "twilight institution" straddling the boundaries between state and society. As cybermilitias , they are rooted in the historical conjuncture of Indonesian state practices in deploying privatized violence for extractive capitalist accumulation, exhibited by two cases in this article: the reclamation of Benoa Bay in Bali and the Ciliwung forced evictions in Jakarta. Informed by ethnographic fieldwork, I delve into buzzers' experience of computational propaganda as an avenue for political agency. They conceive their clandestine labor into a play, conjuring the political metaphor of dalang (master puppeteers) pulling strings from behind the scenes. These shadow play theatrics constitute the ludic aspect of buzzers as ludic cybermilitias. By exploring how computational propaganda is shaped by and shapes state power in Indonesia, I problematize the notion that political buzzers signify "democratic regression" or "digital authoritarianism." Instead, I propose that buzzers represent the latest manifestation of privatized violence within the predatory logic of post-authoritarian states in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia has a unique and diverse religious landscape, with differences in religious life due to the spread of religion assimilated by local culture. This study aims to explain the identity of places of worship as a means of spiritualism in Indonesia. In addition, how are places of worship also possibly a means of disseminating political propaganda. This study used a literature review research methodology through data collection techniques involving reviewing books, relevant literature in academic writings, notes, and various reports related to the article theme of Identity of Places of Worship as a Means of Spiritualism and Political Propaganda in Indonesia. It is known that a place of worship is a gathering place for people who seek to practicetheir beliefs andtheir faith, therefore such facilities are vital for inter alia, various religious practices and beliefs to be exercised. However, this maybe different if the existence of a place of worship is used as a means of practical political propaganda dissemination. Places of worship can have two sides of interest, namely first, places of worship are an effective means of spiritualism and spirituality for adherents of religions in self-healing related to psychological and divine values. Spiritualism is the metaphysical belief that the world is comprised of at least two fundamental substances, matter and spirit. There is of course also spirituality which connotes that people recognize and have a feeling or sense or belief that there is something greater than oneself, and thus a lot more to being human than only sensory experiences, and especially that the greater whole of which people are part and parcel, is in essence cosmic or divine in nature. Second, places of worship may also often be abused and used as a means of political propaganda spreading which is carried out intentionally and consciously to strengthen the intention of a political attitude or is an opinion desired by certain parties or even politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores how an English-language magazine affiliated with the Indonesian government, The Voice of Free Indonesia (TVFI), conveyed to foreigners Indonesia's views of the British occupation in Indonesia in October–December 1945. By using historical method, this study argues that for TVFI providing Indonesia's perspectives to global readers was crucial for Indonesia's struggle for maintaining independence. The magazine constantly emphasized that Indonesia's independence was in accordance with the Atlantic Charter, that the British had broken their initial promises to Indonesians, and that the British committed excessive and inhuman violence against the Indonesians. This study shows that at the beginning of their independence, Indonesian nationalists not only fought physically against the British, as is well known, but also tried to win the battle of 'hearts and minds' in the international public through the publication of TVFI. This study offers a rethinking on media and colonialism studies by providing Indonesia's interpretations of the post-war British mission in the context of decolonization, emerging Indonesian nation-state and British occupation that followed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hyper-Terrorism in Indonesia has a strong relationship with the phenomenon of cyber terrorism. One of the primary uses of the internet by terrorist groups is to spread propaganda. Propaganda is a utility of hyperspace that is very useful for terror groups, especially in Indonesia. Propaganda carried out by terrorists is generally multimedia communication in the form of instructions, practical and ideological explanations, and justification or promotion of terrorist activities. These can take the form of virtual messages, presentations, electronic magazines, fatwas of ulama-supporting terrorists, audio-video files, and video games, all developed by terrorist organizations and their sympathizers. The terrorist group uses the internet for funding, training, and propaganda (including recruitment, radicalization, and incitement). In Jeans Baudrillard's concept, communication technology has given birth to a world of media that exists in parallel with reality, breaking the traditional linguistic relationship of sign and meaning, which he calls simulacra with hyperreality as the main characteristic. The big problem now is that there is no in-depth study on the definition of Hyper-Terrorism or the parameters in categorizing information as hyper-terrorism as a feature of the 'Simulacrum of Terror.' Examining the stages in the simulacrum of terror by Baudrillard, there is a missing stage between the results of media reproduction and the phenomenon of the simulacrum of terror. This research will take up the gap that Baudrillard missed. Then it becomes crucial to study academically, especially regarding the phenomenon of Hyper-Terrorism itself, namely hyperreality in terrorism propaganda, where the reproduction of information that is published globally brings up a relative representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the history of Indonesian broadcasting, focusing particularly on the broadcasting model implemented during the Japanese occupation (1942–1945) and its influence on broadcast organizations in the post-independence era. Taking into consideration four elements of broadcast governance—remit, structure, ownership, and funding—this study examines how the Japanese colonial model of radio became the model used by the Radio of the Republic of Indonesia. Examining the broadcast policies of colonial Japan and post-independence Indonesia, this paper finds policy connections between these countries' broadcast systems. Japanese colonial policy remained evident in the management of Indonesia's radio in the early independence era, particularly in the use of autocratic political propaganda and centralized control of media content. Even today, the military media of colonial Japan continues to influence how broadcasters serve Indonesia's national interests. This paper fills the gap in the literature on how Japanese colonialism has affected broadcast systems of Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In today's digital era, anyone including governments can access information using existing or new media. There is no denying that media outreach has expanded more than ever, and people now are inclined to instant and easy access to information. As a result, media can be very effective as a one-way propaganda tool for conveying governments' political policies, enabling them to disseminate information more quickly. With the social distancing policies due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the use of media by government agencies for circulating information to the public has increased. The authors used the Bullet Theory to dissect how media can become one-way propaganda in the delivery of policies of the Government of Indonesia in addressing the COVID-19 issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This research aims to determine the historical construction of criticism and propaganda formed in Kidungan Jula-juli performance in each era. Kidungan is a song in the Gending Jula-juli in East Java. The musical text presented in the song seems to be open (blak-blakan [openness]), assertive, and emotionally becomes the power of criticism. Historical issues concerning the function of Kidungan Jula-juli are interesting enough to be known, thus encouraging this study to get a basic and detailed understanding of the historical stages of the role of Kidungan Jula-juli from the Japanese era to the reformation era. This study using a historical approach and emphasizes the problem of music function. The analysis was carried out by looking at the ideas, concepts, and cultural references that accompanied the performance of Kidungan Jula-juli. The results of this study indicate the dynamics of the function of criticism and propaganda in Kidungan Jula-juli. During the Japanese occupation era, Kidungan Jula-juli was very sharp in its role as an instrument of the independence movement; from 1950 to 1965, Kidungan Jula-juli was used by political parties to strengthen political support and propaganda. In the New Order Era, kidungan lost the function of criticism. The state controlled it for the sake of propaganda and the legitimacy of power. Kidungan Jula-juli is more open and present on a stage with other performing arts in the era of the reform order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author examines sexual violence against women during a period of mass social conflict and reflects on how this violence continues to affect sexual and political citizenship in modern Indonesia. The demonization and destruction of a particular group of Communist women, known as ‘Gerwani’, during the mass killings of 1965–1966 created an on-going, pathological discourse about politically active women as gendered and sexual ‘others’ in Indonesia. The reconfiguration of bodies through sexual violence during that period continues to shape gender ideology and sexual politics in Indonesia, particularly through the prescription of more traditional, heteronormative roles for women’s political participation. This negative association with sexuality and sexual violence affects the possibilities for women’s active citizenship in post-New Order Indonesia, and renders it difficult for women to claim sexual autonomy or sexual citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between the derogatory social constructions and the sexual violence against janda in Indonesia with regard to the experiences of women who were widowed during the 1965 massacres. At that time an estimated 500,000 people were killed for their alleged ties to the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). Specifically, it examines how discourses which stigmatise janda as sexually available and/or promiscuous were compounded by the demonisation of women connected with the PKI as dangerous and sexually voracious. By examining the testimonies of women widowed by the death, disappearance or imprisonment of their husbands during the massacres, I argue that janda PKI were subject to two forms of stigmatisation, based on their status as janda and on their connection with the PKI. This was manifest in the sexually predatory behaviours from men in their communities, particularly from the local security forces and militia groups who had taken part in the massacres. By emphasising the political aspects of gender politics which congregate around the extremely derogatory constructions of janda PKI, I articulate how the gendered and sexualised bodies of janda were also politicised and, as a result of the Indonesian military's anti-communist propaganda, made abject in their sexualisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how old campaign tactics and means in Indonesia have interacted with the new realities and challenges of the April 9 legislative and July 9 presidential elections in 2014. Topics mentioned include the emergence of new trends in campaigning at the grass-roots level that was observed in the legislative election, the lessons learned from the April 9 election on the parliament and Islamic parties, and the polarizing effect of new campaign strategies.

During the first half of the twentieth century, colonial rule in the Indonesian archipelago was an important marker of international prestige for the Netherlands, which was merely a small power on the European continent, carefully guarding its neutral status against the Great Powers. After World War I, there was growing concern amongst several groups in Dutch society about criticism of the colonial regime in the foreign press. This article considers three organizations that aimed to set up an international information service about the Dutch East Indies in the 1920s. Although private individuals ran these organizations, they had close links with the authorities in The Hague and Batavia, indicating the emergence of a controlled media environment. Moreover, despite the fact that people involved preferred to use neutral terms to describe their activities, they aimed to provide the international public with propaganda supporting the Dutch colonial regime. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers the author's insights on the link between the Indonesian killings of 1965-1968 and political genocide.Topics discussed include the exclusion from the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of political groups, the death and dehumanisation of members of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) or the Indonesian Communist Party and their associates, and a propaganda campaign of the Indonesian military.

The digitisation process, i.e. the migration from analogue to digital, in Indonesia is still an ongoing process with a target date of completion by 2018. However, the job to implement the migration remains controversial. Many civil society stakeholders have many reasons to criticise the government's choice in the digitalitzation of broadcasting. This paper is a descriptive research into the digitisation process in Indonesia until first quarter of 2013. It aims to: (a) describe the polemics between pro- and anti-stakeholders in Indonesia in response to the digitisation in Indonesia; and (b) discuss the latest developments in the digitisation process, as well as analyse the implication of this process from the perspective of public interests. The research used a qualitative approach in completing the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the chronology of Indonesian army, and Australian, British and American propaganda before and during the anti-Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) massacres between October 1965 and February 1966. Topics include acceptance of the debts of the former colonial state Netherlands East Indies by Indonesia, end of the PKI following the demise of Indonesia's former President Sukarno, and the army's propaganda which highlighted the PKI's conspiracy and involvement in the massacres.

Why people follow the incitement of powerful individuals to participate in collective violence remains one of the most intriguing questions in the study of conflict. By using process-tracing to analyze in detail a violent ethno-religious conflict in Indonesia, this study concludes that rioters are often not provoked by elite propaganda but rather are acting out of their own interest. However, their violence sets off a chain of events that causes large-scale communal conflict. This escalation is most likely in the presence of three causal mechanisms: the immobilization of local security forces; widespread sentiments of sympathy for innocent victims; and the creation of intense feelings of insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyzes the role of rumor as a mobilizing agent in communal violence. Taking as its point of departure a series of violent clashes in North Maluku in Indonesia during 1999 and 2000, it shows that rumor often took a written form. Outlining the contested origins and composite effects of a particular rumor-as it appeared on the political scene in leaflet form--I argue that these "hardcopy rumors" became social agents in the paranoid politics of the "Maluku wars." Recent scholarship has rightly stressed the mobilizing role of rumor. This paper demonstrates how the affectivity of rumor, usually attributed to its spontaneous and anonymous nature, may in fact be boosted by the authority of writing. It suggests that "xeroxlore," the circulation of written and photocopied rumors, may play an essential role in generating the murky political atmosphere in which sectarian violence is instigated, enacted, and justified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the importance of British intelligence and propaganda in the Confrontation with Indonesia. Sources of intelligence during the Confrontation; Overview on the propaganda.

During the war of decolonisation in Indonesia 1945-1950, the Dutch Red Cross and the Dutch East Indies Red Cross delivered aid to sick and wounded soldiers and civilians. This was supposed to happen in cooperation with organisations including the Indonesian Red Cross, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the military health service and civilian health services. Due to lack of resources, doctors and nurses, and due to differing interests, cooperation went anything but smoothly, severely undermining medical aid. On top of that, the aid that was given turned out be a tool of propaganda for the Dutch cause. Aid was deliberately--and with Red Cross consent--used as a political-military tool in the service of Dutch national interests. In a military strategy of carrot and stick, medical care served as the carrot.