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Background: In Indonesia, the world's fourth most populous country, cardiovascular diseases (CVDs) are a leading cause of death and disability. Government efforts to reduce the burden of CVD include a community-based prevention and early detection programme, and the provision of medicines to prevent cardiovascular events. Disruptions to medicine supply chains, service provision, and movement during the COVID-19 pandemic potentially threatened the continuity of these efforts. We investigated the distribution and dispensing of common CVD medicines in Malang district, East Java, before the pandemic and early in its course. Methods: From January to October 2020, we collected monthly data on stock levels, sales or dispensing volumes, and price for five common CVD medicines (amlodipine, captopril, furosemide, glibenclamide and simvastatin), from a public and a private distributor, and from public health facilities (n = 4) and private pharmacies (n = 2). We further complied monthly data on patient numbers in two primary health centres. We tracked changes in stocks held and volumes dispensed by medicine type and sector, comparing the three months before the local COVID-19 response was mobilised with the subsequent seven months. We conducted interviews with pharmacists (n = 12), community health workers (n = 2) and a supply chain logistics manager to investigate the reasons for observed changes, and to learn details of any impacts or mitigation measures. Results: The pandemic affected demand more than supply, causing medicine stocks to rise. Restricted service provision, lock-down measures and fear of infection contributed to a sharp drop in patient numbers and dispensing volumes in the public sector. Meanwhile private sector sales, especially of lower-priced CVD medicines, rose. Community health workers attributed some poor health outcomes to interruption in regular patient check-ups; this interruption was aggravated by formal mitigation policies. Conclusions: Fears that COVID-19 would interrupt medicine availability were unfounded in East Java. Public sector patients may have compensated for reduced service access by switching to private pharmacies. Mitigation policies that ignored administrative procedures were not effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the discussion in the existing literature on the adoption of shari'a laws in democratising Muslim-majority countries as a starting point, we posit that there are two broad motivations for democratically-elected politicians to adopt shari'a laws and regulations: ideological conviction on the one hand and response to the expressed or perceived preference of constituents on the other hand. The 'demand side' can be further divided into the preferences of individual voters, and the interests of groups which act as power brokers, influencing the voting choices of individual citizens. These groups may be economic, religious, or other actors. These motivations are not mutually exclusive; the passage of a given shari'a regulation may fulfil two or all three of them simultaneously. However, we posit that the interaction between the place, timing, and content of shari'a laws passed in a nation as a whole will vary in various predictable ways, according to the dominant motivations. The dominant motivation may also affect the vigour with which the law is implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2013 Indonesia, the world's fourth most populous country, declared that it would provide affordable health care for all its citizens within seven years. This crystallised an ambition first enshrined in law over five decades earlier, but never previously realised. This paper explores Indonesia's journey towards universal health coverage (UHC) from independence to the launch of a comprehensive health insurance scheme in January 2014. We find that Indonesia's path has been determined largely by domestic political concerns – different groups obtained access to healthcare as their socio-political importance grew. A major inflection point occurred following the Asian financial crisis of 1997. To stave off social unrest, the government provided health coverage for the poor for the first time, creating a path dependency that influenced later policy choices. The end of this programme coincided with decentralisation, leading to experimentation with several different models of health provision at the local level. When direct elections for local leaders were introduced in 2005, popular health schemes led to success at the polls. UHC became an electoral asset, moving up the political agenda. It also became contested, with national policy-makers appropriating health insurance programmes that were first developed locally, and taking credit for them. The Indonesian experience underlines the value of policy experimentation, and of a close understanding of the contextual and political factors that drive successful UHC models at the local level. Specific drivers of success and failure should be taken into account when scaling UHC to the national level. In the Indonesian example, UHC became possible when the interests of politically and economically influential groups were either satisfied or neutralised. While technical considerations took a back seat to political priorities in developing the structures for health coverage nationally, they will have to be addressed going forward to achieve sustainable UHC in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Background: Drug injection, little known in Indonesia just a decade ago, is apparently a growing practice, especially among young men. In some cities, HIV prevalence has been recorded at close to 50% among injectors. Yet authorities in the world''s fourth most populous nation had no information on the magnitude of the problem. Objectives: To estimate the number and distribution of drug injectors in Indonesia, and to use the estimates to draw the attention of policy makers to the need for services for this population. Methods: The Ministry of Health asked a wide variety of partners to collect all data relevant to drug injection in the country. Data were made available by treatment centres, health authorities, social welfare workers, law enforcement authorities and non-government groups providing services for drug users. Data sources were compared and it was decided that data would support estimates at the provincial level using multiplier methods. Three estimates were made based on different data sources. Results: The results of the three methods were in a very close range, between 145,000 and 170,000. Methods and data sources were published in detail, and weaknesses clearly acknowledged. The estimates were accepted by all groups, and formed the basis for subsequent modelling and advocacy work which greatly increased attention to the need to provide services to drug injectors in the country, and contributed to the adoption of harm reduction approaches in the national HIV strategy. Conclusion: An inclusive and transparent estimation process based on existing data sources can provide an important starting point for advocacy and rational planning of drug-related services. It has proven feasible, affordable and useful in the context of a large and diverse developing country with an IDU-driven epidemic of HIV. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Examines the prevalence of injecting practices that carry a risk of HIV infection among injection drug users (IDU) in Indonesia. Risk of sexual transmission on HIV from IDU to noninjecting populations; Sexual behavior of IDU; Interventions needed to reduce high levels of needle sharing.

Argues that a commonsense approach based on simple country by country analyses could help prevent HIV infection. Examination of the levels and trends in patterns of prevalence and incidence of HIV in five countries that differ by level, category, and age of epidemic; Incidence by category of exposure that varied widely between countries; Use of prevalence data to guide planning of prevention; Results in Cambodia, Indonesia, Honduras, Russia, and Kenya.

Background: Substandard and falsified medicines (SFMs) are a public health concern of global importance. Postmarket surveillance in the form of medicine sampling and quality testing can prevent and detect SFM, however, there is remarkably scarce evidence about the cost and value for money of these activities: how much do they cost and how effective are they in detecting SFM?, Methods: Between February and October 2022, Systematic Tracking of At Risk Medicines (STARmeds) collected and analysed for quality 1274 samples of 5 medicines from physical and online retail outlets in 7 Indonesian districts. We collated data on the resources consumed by STARmeds, related to all stages of medicines sampling and quality testing including design, fieldwork and laboratory analysis. We used activity-based costing principles to calculate the financial and economic cost of medicine quality surveillance from the perspective of a hypothetical medicines' regulator. We calculated the cost per day and per week of fieldwork, per sample collected and per substandard sample. We used bootstrapping to capture uncertainty in the number of samples collected, by seller location type (urban, rural and online)., Results: The total cost of sampling and testing medicines from the market was US$712 964 (current 2022 values). Laboratory costs represented the largest share (70%), followed by other direct costs (12%) and indirect costs (7%). On average, it costs STARmeds US$479 (95% CI US$462 to US$516) to collect one medicine sample and US$5990 (95% CI US$5601 to US$6258) to identify one substandard sample., Conclusion: Our findings bring urgently needed and novel information on the cost and value for money of medicine quality surveillance. These may support planning and budgeting of the Indonesian pharmaceutical regulator, but also of regulators and researchers elsewhere, particularly in low-income and middle-income settings, as well as international organisations with health regulation and quality of care remits., Competing Interests: Competing interests: None declared., (© Author(s) (or their employer(s)) 2024. Re-use permitted under CC BY. Published by BMJ.)

Lower-middle income Indonesia, the world's fourth most populous country, has struggled to contain costs in its mandatory, single-payer public health insurance system since the system's inception in 2014. Public procurement policies radically reduced prices of most medicines in public facilities and the wider market. However, professional associations and the press have questioned the quality of these low-cost, unbranded generic medicines. We collected 204 samples of four cardiovascular and one antidiabetic medicines from health facilities and retail outlets in East Java. We collected amlodipine, captopril, furosemide, simvastatin, and glibenclamide, sampling to reflect patients' likelihood of exposure to specific brands and outlets. We recorded sales prices and maximum retail prices and tested medicines for dissolution and percentage of labeled content using high-performance liquid chromatography. We conducted in-depth interviews with supply chain actors. All samples, including those provided free in public facilities, met quality specifications. Most manufacturers make both branded and unbranded medicines. Retail prices varied widely. The median ratio of price to the lowest price for an equivalent product was 5.1, and a few brands sold for over 100 times the minimum price. Prices also varied between outlets for identical products because retail pharmacies set prices to maximize profit. Because very-low-cost medicines were universally available and of good quality, we believe richer patients who chose to buy branded products effectively protected medicine quality for poorer patients in Indonesia because manufacturers cross-subsidize between branded and unbranded versions of the same medicine.

Background: The WHO has warned that substandard and falsified medicines threaten health, especially in low and middle-income countries (LMICs). However, the magnitude of that threat for many medicines in different regions is not well described, and high-quality studies remain rare. Recent reviews of studies of cardiovascular and diabetes medicine quality recorded that 15.4% of cardiovascular and 6.8% of diabetes samples failed at least one quality test. Review authors warn that study quality was mixed. Because they did not record medicine volume, no study reflected the risk posed to patients., Methods and Findings: We investigated the quality of five medicines for cardiovascular disease and diabetes in Malang district, East Java, Indonesia. Our sample frame, based on dispensing volumes by outlet and price category, included sampling from public and private providers and pharmacies and reflected the potential risk posed to patients. The content of active ingredient was determined by high-performance liquid chromatography and compared with the labelled content. Dissolution testing was also performed.We collected a total of 204 samples: amlodipine (88); captopril (22); furosemide (21); glibenclamide (21) and simvastatin (52), comprising 83 different brands/products. All were manufactured in Indonesia, and all samples met specifications for both assay and dissolution. None was suspected of being falsified., Conclusions: While we cannot conclude that the prevalence of poor-quality medicines in Malang district is zero, our sampling method, which reflects likely exposure to specific brands and outlets, suggests that the risk to patients is very low; certainly nothing like the rates found in recent reviews of surveys in LMICs. Our study demonstrates the feasibility of sampling medicines based on likely exposure to specific products and underlines the dangers of extrapolating results across countries., Competing Interests: Competing interests: None declared., (© Author(s) (or their employer(s)) 2022. Re-use permitted under CC BY-NC. No commercial re-use. See rights and permissions. Published by BMJ.)

Objectives: To analyse the relationship between health need, insurance coverage, health service availability, service use, insurance claims and out-of-pocket spending on health across Indonesia., Design: Secondary analysis of nationally representative quantitative data. We merged four national data sets: the National Socioeconomic Survey 2018, National Census of Villages 2018, Population Health Development Index 2018 and National Insurance Records to end 2017. Descriptive analysis and linear regression were performed., Setting: Indonesia has one of the world's largest single-payer national health insurance schemes. Data are individual and district level; all are representative for each of the country's 514 districts., Participants: Anonymised secondary data from 1 131 825 individual records in the National Socioeconomic Survey and 83 931 village records in the village census. Aggregate data for 220 million insured citizens., Primary Outcome Measures: Health service use and out-of-pocket payments, by health need, insurance status and service availability. Secondary outcome: insurance claims., Results: Self-reported national health insurance registration (60.6%) is about 10% lower compared with the insurer's report (71.1%). Insurance coverage is highest in poorer areas, where service provision, and thus service use and health spending, are lowest. Inpatient use is higher among the insured than the uninsured (OR 2.35, 95% CI 2.27 to 2.42), controlling for health need and access), and poorer patients are most likely to report free inpatient care (53% in wealth quintile 1 vs 41% in Q5). Insured patients spend US$ 3.14 more on hospitalisation than the uninsured (95% CI 1.98 to 4.31), but the difference disappears when controlled for wealth. Lack of services is a major constraint on service use, insurance claims and out-of-pocket spending., Conclusions: The Indonesian public insurance system protects many inpatients, especially the poorest, from excessive spending. However, others, especially in Eastern Indonesia cannot benefit because few services are available. To achieve health equity, the Indonesian government needs to address supply side constraints and reduce structural underfunding., Competing Interests: Competing interests: None declared., (© Author(s) (or their employer(s)) 2021. Re-use permitted under CC BY-NC. No commercial re-use. See rights and permissions. Published by BMJ.)

Introduction: Indonesia, the world's fourth most populous nation, is close to achieving universal health coverage (UHC). A widely-publicised falsified vaccine case in 2016, coupled with a significant financial deficit in the national insurance system, has contributed to concern that the rapid scale-up of UHC might undermine medicine quality. We investigated the political and economic factors that drive production and trade of poor-quality medicines in Indonesia., Methods: We reviewed academic publications, government regulations, technical agency documents and news reports to develop a semi-structured questionnaire. We interviewed healthcare providers, policy-makers, medicine regulators, pharmaceutical manufacturers, patients and academics (n=31). We included those with in-depth knowledge about the falsified vaccine case or the pharmaceutical business, medicine regulation, prescribing practice and the implementation of UHC. We coded data using NVivo software and analysed by constant comparative method., Results: The scale-up of UHC has cut revenues for physicians and pharmaceutical manufacturers. In the vaccine case, free, quality-assured vaccines were available but some physicians, seeking extra revenue, promoted expensive alternatives. Taking advantage of poor governance in private hospitals, they purchased cut-price 'vaccines' from freelance salespeople.A single-winner public procurement system which does not explicitly consider quality has slashed the price paid for covered medicines. Trade, industrial and religious policies simultaneously increased production costs, pressuring profit margins for manufacturers and distributors. They reacted by cutting costs (potentially threatening quality) or by market withdrawal (leading to shortages which provide a market for falsifiers). Shortages and physician-promoted irrational demand push patients to buy medicines in unregulated channels, increasing exposure to falsified medicines., Conclusion: Market factors, including political pressure to reduce medicine prices and healthcare provider incentives, can drive markets for substandard and falsified medicines. To protect progress towards UHC, policy-makers must consider the potential impact on medicine quality when formulating rules governing health financing, procurement, taxation and industry., Competing Interests: Competing interests: AH is a recipient of a 2-year research fellowship, supported by the United States Pharmacopeial Convention (USP) Quality Institute for subsequent research based on this submitted work., (© Author(s) (or their employer(s)) 2020. Re-use permitted under CC BY. Published by BMJ.)