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India and Russia have enjoyed a strong relationship since the collapse of the Soviet Union, partially as a legacy of the Indo-Soviet partnership during the Cold War. But how will this invasion impact future relations between New Delhi and Moscow? We argue that the war will likely harm this relationship over the long term, although some scenarios might minimize this harm. Western sanctions and Russian material losses in the war will make it difficult for Russia to fulfill Indian arms orders, especially if the sanctions regime remains in place for several years, forcing India to turn to other sources of weapons, including the United States. Its increasing isolation from Europe could also force Russia to move even closer to India's rival China, making India less secure. There may be opportunities to improve energy ties between India and Russia, but Western sanctions and geographic barriers will limit any energy gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the Indo-Pakistani dispute over Kashmir in India. Details of the shooting of Hindu inhabitants in a mountain village by the Indian Army; History of the dispute between India and Pakistan; Efforts of New Delhi, India to address Kashmiri grievances through state-level elections in Jammu and Kashmir.

The article focuses on resounding victory of the Indian political party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in nineteenth general election in May 2019 despite rising unemployment, sluggish economic growth, widespread rural distress, and unpopular policy measures such as demonetization. Topics discussed include BJP passed an ordinance and introduced a citizenship bill that sought to exclude Muslims immigrating from other South Asian states from obtaining Indian citizenship, foreign and security policy of Indian government and government authorized a retaliatory air strike to avenge them.

Abstract: This forum comes from a 2016 panel at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association. The forum participants offered mid-term assessments of the foreign policy of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This forum considers whether Modi heralded in a new era in Indian foreign policy, or whether Modi's policies just repackaged older policies. The authors in this forum answer these questions by focusing on a range of issues from the role of religion to economic issues, to the relations between India and major foreign partners. The authors conclude that while Modi has undeniably put a personal stamp on foreign policy, substantive changes have been minimal. The first significant change lies in the centralization of foreign policy decision-making in the Prime Minister's Office. Second, while religious diplomacy played an important role, the version of Hinduism that Modi has adopted in foreign affairs is more inclusive than the one on display in domestic politics. Third, India's foreign economic policy has adopted a distinct nationalist tone. Fourth, Modi has signaled a "neighborhood first" focus in foreign policy. Finally, despite attempts at imparting his personal stamp, India's foreign policy towards major partners and in most issue areas remains substantively similar to those of the previous administrations.   Resumen: Este debate surgió a partir de un panel de la reunión anual de la Asociación de Estudios Internacionales realizada en 2016. Los participantes presentaron sus evaluaciones intermedias de la política exterior de Narendra Modi, primer ministro de India. El debate analiza si Modi instauró una nueva era en la política exterior india o si, por el contrario, simplemente les dio un lavado de cara a las políticas anteriores. Para responder estas preguntas, los autores del debate se centran en varias cuestiones: desde el papel que juega la religión y los problemas económicos hasta las relaciones entre India y sus principales aliados extranjeros. Los autores concluyen que si bien Modi puso su impronta personal en la política exterior, los cambios representativos han sido mínimos. El primer cambio significativo reside en la centralización de la toma de decisiones sobre temas de política exterior en la oficina del primer ministro. En segundo lugar, aunque la diplomacia religiosa tuvo un papel importante, la versión del hinduismo que adoptó Modi en la política exterior es más inclusiva que la que se muestra en las políticas nacionales. En tercer lugar, la política económica exterior de India ha incorporado un tono nacionalista distintivo. En cuarto lugar, Modi pone el foco en los países vecinos en lo que respecta a la política exterior. Por último, a pesar de los esfuerzos por darle su propia impronta, la política exterior de India sobre las principales áreas problemáticas y en lo que respecta a los aliados más importantes, no ha experimentado cambios relevantes en comparación con las administraciones anteriores.   Extrait: Le présent forum a comme origine un panel constitué en 2016 lors de l'assemblée annuelle de l'International Studies Association. Les participants du forum ont proposé des évaluations à mi-mandat de Narendra Modi, ministre indien des Affaires étrangères. La question est de savoir si M. Modi s'est fait le héraut d'une nouvelle ère dans la politique étrangère de l'Inde ou s'il n'a fait que présenter d'anciennes politiques sous un nouveau jour. Les auteurs de ce forum abordent la question en réfléchissant à diverses problématiques, du rôle de la religion aux problèmes économiques en passant par les relations entre l'Inde et ses partenaires étrangers principaux. Les auteurs concluent que si Modi a indéniablement imprimé sa marque sur la politique étrangère du pays, les changements de fond sont restés mineurs. Le premier changement d'importance est le recentrage du processus de prise de décisions en politique étrangère sur le portefeuille du Premier Ministre. Le deuxième changement, opéré dans un contexte où la diplomatie religieuse joue un rôle important, est l'adoption d'une version de l'hindouisme plus solidaire en politique étrangère que celle qui est affichée en politique intérieure. Le troisième est l'apport d'une touche nettement nationaliste à la politique économique étrangère. Le quatrième est l'annonce par Modi d'une politique étrangère axée en priorité sur les « pays limitrophes ». Enfin, et en dépit des tentatives de Modi d'imprimer sa marque personnelle, la politique étrangère de l'Inde envers ses partenaires principaux et dans la plupart des domaines reste en substance similaire à celle des administrations précédentes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the reasons behind India's testing of a nuclear device in Rajasthan in 1974 despite the nation's opposition to the development of nuclear weaponery. About three percent of the nation's needs is provided by its nuclear energy program. Since 1974, nuclear explosions for peaceful purpose have not been made by the nation. Indian strategic thinking had been affected by the 1962 border war with China. After the 1971 war with Pakistan, the possibility of a Sino-Soviet rapprochement made India to take a strategic position enhanced by the possession of a nuclear weapon.

These four books on Sino-Indian relations provide new evidence and novel arguments about the origins of the border dispute, the Sino-Indian border war of 1962, and the evolution of the Sino-Indian rivalry. Three of the four books have made use of newly declassified archival material and have thereby challenged existing knowledge about various features of this contentious relationship. The books, nevertheless, are of varying quality. One or two of them represent the acme of dispassionate scholarship while at least one asserts some very partisan claims. That said, they all represent a new wave of scholarship on Sino-Indian relations and should be of value to those interested in this fraught relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign policy belief systems have received much attention. Yet nearly all work examines attitudes in western democracies, chiefly the United States. The current security environment requires that we ask whether the foreign policy views of individuals in other nations--particularly regional powers--are similar in structure to those found in the US case. This article does so for the Indian case. Drawing on studies of US opinion, we develop a set of claims and test them on an original data set on Indian elites. We make four contributions. First, we show that Wittkopf's framework applies to the Indian case. Second, we demonstrate how this framework can be made more generally applicable by revising its emphases on different types of internationalism and on rethinking the meaning of isolationist preferences. Third, we place the Indian case in comparative perspective. And last, we model the dimensions of Indian attitudes as a function of domestic ideology. Results of our analyses provide insights into the structure of foreign policy belief systems outside the Global North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an essay on the emergence of several national security related threats in India and how the country's policy makers deal with it. Topics include the sources of the country's internal threats which include the resurgence of violence from the unsettled ethnic movement Maoist in the disputed state of Kashmir and Jammu, the challenges of the country's defense acquisition, and the dispute over legitimacy on its colonially demarcated Himalayan border.

India, though a working democracy, has adopted an ambivalent stance toward the genesis and evolution of the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect. This article traces India’s views toward the earlier principle of humanitarian intervention, outlines its reactions toward the advent of the norm, and discusses India’s positions on the attempts to apply it to recent international crises. It then argues that India’s cautious support for the principle stems in part from concerns about its potential abuse in the hands of the great powers, post-colonial concerns about the diminution of the norm of state sovereignty, and finally, its own domestic vulnerabilities in the protection of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political risks associated with the results of the 16th general election in India. Topics covered include the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) over the Indian National Congress (INC) as well as the implications of the results for the political transition in the country. Also mentioned is the decline in the political power and influence of INC through time.

This introduction outlines some major ways in which regions and regionalism have been defined. It provides a brief overview of the contents of this special edition of India Review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the prospects of the May 2014 general election in India and its foreign relationship with its neighbors. It is stated that the election could have significant consequences on the quality democracy, economic and foreign policies of India. The 2013 national elections of May 2013 in Pakistan is stated to have improved democratic prospects for the nation but Bangladesh seems to be backsliding.

Abstract: This article provides a brief overview of the theoretical literature on the rise of China, and then explores the implications of the rise of China for the U.S.- China rivalry. It then describes sources of underlying tensions in the Sino-Indian relationship. China and India are not only engaged in a competition for power and influence in Asia, but they are also locked in a particularly contentious border dispute. The authors then argue that economic interdependence may not be enough to offset the sources of conflict in the Sino-Indian rivalry. This holds true in spite of the presence of nuclear weapons by both sides in this dyad. Therefore, a limited conventional war remains a distinct possibility even though it is by no means inevitable. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article focuses on the issue of corruption in India. Recent high-profile corruption cases have made venality in politics a major public issue. The cases include activities surrounding the sale of the 2G telecom spectrum, the issuing of mining rights to well-heeled and well-connected corporate entities, and the handing-out of contracts for the 2010 Commonwealth Games in Delhi. Self-styled Gandhian social activist Kisan Baburao Anna Hazare had begun his hunger strike to induce the Indian Parliament to pass a particular piece of anticorruption legislation known as the Jan Lokpal Bill.

The article presents a discussion of Pakistan's role in fomenting Islamic terrorist groups in south Asia. It is noted that Pakistan's military and Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI) have trained, armed and funded such groups. However, an argument is presented that many of these groups have since escaped Pakistan's control, and become self-sustaining sources of Islamic terrorism. An overview of Pakistani efforts to promote jihad in order to further its national interests is provided. The long-running conflict between Pakistan and India is discussed in this context.

The article explores the complex role of India in the potential dawning and functioning of an Eastphalian international system. It analyzes the economic and political rise of India to determine India's place in the shift of power and influence in international relations toward Asia. India is said to be committed to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence which includes mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, mutual nonaggression, and peaceful coexistence.

The article presents a comparative analysis of the role of the military in the nations of India and Pakistan. It seeks to explain why India has enjoyed democracy and civilian control of the military ever since its independence from British rule, whereas Pakistan has been directly ruled by its armed forces for about half of its entire existence. An argument is presented that this disparity is due, in part, to differences in the historical context and initial conditions which attended the establishment of the two nations in the 20th century.

The article analyzes the Indian election of May 16, 2009, which resulted in a significant victory by the Indian National Congress. Manmohan Singh became the second prime minister in India's history to achieve a consecutive second term. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a Hindu nationalist party, lost 22 seats. Indian elections are held in five stages, and involve over 700 million eligible voters. The election was largely free of violence and fraud, and was not contested. An analysis is presented of the competing political philosophies of the various parties, and the implications of the election for India's future.

This essay traces the origins of the Indo-Pakistani rivalry in Afghanista and assesses the role of India in Afghanistan in this rivalry. It provides an overview of the scope and aims of India's foreign policy, including economic, diplomatic and military aspects, in Afghanistan and discusses the implications of the Indo-Pakistan competition for U.S. foreign policy. It also argues on the alignment of U.S. and India's interest in Afghanistan in terms of foreign assistance, military presence and political stability.

Contrary to the arguments of proliferation pessimists, this article contends that the overt nuclearization of South Asia has contributed to stability in the region. To that end this article carefully examines two recent crises in Indo-Pakistani relations and concludes that in the absence of nuclear weapons they would have culminated in full-scale war. Accordingly, while Indo-Pakistani relations may remain fraught with tension, the likelihood of major war in the region has dramatically diminished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author examines events that took place in India during 2008. Overall, the author characterizes the year as having been fraught with political and social upheaval as well as a significant degree of domestic discontent. A number of prominent events are discussed including terror attacks on India, in particular one that targeted the city of Bombay in November, and the activities of Maoist guerrillas. Also examined was the popular discontent over Indian government land acquisition policies. The author declares that the civilian nuclear agreement struck between the U.S. and India to have been a signal achievement in foreign policy.

The aim of this paper is to explain India's foreign policy since independence, including its initial orientation and subsequent shifts through an analysis of the systemic, domestic political, and decision-making factors that shaped its foreign policy choices. India's foreign policy can be divided into three broad phases. The first phase that began with the country's independence in 1947 can be characterized as the most idealistic phase of India's foreign policy. However, India's disastrous defeat in the 1962 Sino-Indian border war ended New Delhi's idealism and marked the beginning of the second phase during which India increasingly adopted a "self-help" approach to international relations. The end of the Cold War and India's gradual embrace of the market in 1991 ushered in the third and the current phase of foreign policy making in New Delhi that is closely tied to the principles of Realism. India is currently on the threshold of great power status even as the country faces a number of challenges that include the maintenance of its high economic growth rate, ensuring energy security, and resolving the country's internal security problems within the framework of its democratic and secular institutions. How India manages its relations with its nettlesome neighbor Pakistan and the extraordinary rise of China, and the type of relationship it forges with the United States are the most important strategic questions confronting the Indian leadership today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the potential for Pakistan to face economic and social strife as a result of infrastructural bottlenecks combined with escalating food and fuel prices. A period of enlightenment promised by former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf has failed due to suicide bombings and Taliban actions. The author evaluates the history of Pakistan to determine why democracy is difficult to implement within the nation. Problems arising between India and Pakistan are attributed to the writings of Muslims such as Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan. Figures such as Ayub Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto are discussed.

An examination of the onset, evolution, and termination of the 1999 and 2001-02 crises between India and Pakistan suggests that nuclear deterrence is robust in South Asia. Even though the 1999 crisis erupted into a war, its scope and dimensions were carefully circumscribed. Despite its conventional capabilities, India chose not to cross the Line of Control (the de facto international border in the disputed state of Jammu and Kashmir), and it avoided horizontal escalation of the conflict. India's restraint cannot be attributed either to timely U.S. intervention or to a concern about avoiding a bellicose international image. Instead a highly jingoistic regime, which had defied international public opinion the previous year through a series of nuclear tests, chose to exercise restraint because of Pakistan's possession of nuclear weapons. In 2001, despite grave Pakistani provocation through a series of terrorist attacks, India could only respond with a strategy of coercive diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past year saw a dramatic surge of economic growth in India. Despite this rapid spurt of growth, significant political problems continue to hobble the country partially because the coalition government in New Delhi seems unable to make hard policy decisions. Consequently, it remains unclear if India can surmount many of the obstacles that still stand in the way of sustained economic growth and even increased international political stature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines relations between India and Pakistan. Tension has been endemic between the two countries since they were founded in 1947, and they have fought several wars over territorial issues. Those wars, however, were fought by conventional means with implicit agreements on limiting the conflict between the two countries' armed forces. This may be attributable to both country's having been British colonies, with military leaders educated and trained by Great Britain's armed forces, creating a common outlook. There have also been occasions where both countries have submitted their disputes to international adjudication and abided by the results. The fact that both India and Pakistan now possess nuclear weapons is an obvious and dangerous destablizing factor in their relationship. It is unfortunate that active discussion of nuclear weapons issues is discouraged by both governments.

The United States and India are enjoying increasingly close relations. This rep- resents a transformation of the two countries' past relationship, which was characterized by suspicion and distrust. This change, which began with the end of the Cold War, has resulted from a convergence of structural, domestic, and individual leadership factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores six decades of independence and democracy in India. The country's rapid and successfully consolidated transition to democracy during the years following British withdrawal in 1947, raised doubts about the validity of arguments on economic development and democracy. The British evidently did little or nothing to promote the growth of democratic institutions in the country.

The article focuses on the economic condition in India. At present, India has made its economic growth and the country has been marked as the world's second fastest growing major economy in the preceding years. The country's government is expecting to grow for about 9 percent economic growth which will be measured through gross domestic product (GDP) in 2006-2007. In addition, the country's government is also expecting that they will become a trillion-dollar economy in 2008 and they are now considered as the fourth-largest country in terms of economy worldwide.

This article presents the views on the advantages of the U.S.-India nuclear pact. The agreement is seen as a way of strengthening strategic partnership with India, advancing key U.S. objectives. It is expected to bring energy, economic and environmental benefits. The possibility of undermining an important nonproliferation regime is noted.

Halfway through the first decade of the twenty-first century, interest in India has exploded in the United States in a very public way. That India's importance now appears self-evident marks a new phase for India studies in the US; the study of India has percolated beyond the narrow confines of academia to include broad public audiences through trade publications and greater attention to India in the public sphere. This growing American interest in India comes at a time of shifting India interests in the US academy as well. The essays here represent an effort to understand this changing balance of interests both within academic disciplines, as well as beyond the academy. Even with the palpable upswing in perceptions of and interest in India, however, there is still room for growth. While the study of India has in some spheres been growing, in others it has been experiencing stagnation if not retrenchment in comparison with previous decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the emergence of a U.S.-India strategic partnership. Structural constraints that place limits on Indo-U.S. security cooperation; Logic of the strategic relationship; Challenges confronting the relationship.

Focuses on the practice of secularism and its implication to ethnic diversity in India. Questions concerning the Indian state's commitment to secularism; Inclination to favor Hindu primacy in opinions and interests in the political considerations and decisions; Ethnologic factors and the Hindu-Muslim differences in ideology.

This article is an effort to view the Kashmir, India problem right from the roots i.e. studying the history and retrospect and with this umbilical cord of history it examines the prospects of Kashmir. It further presents the overview of all the articles published in the July 2003 issue of the journal India Review and ultimately establishes that neither India nor Pakistan can prevail militarily in Kashmir and the solution can be met only diplomatically. It also shows the contradiction of Jonah Blank's article All Tactics, No Strategy with that of India's "potential" Endgame in Kashmir by Amitabh Mattoo whereby the former concludes that the short term tactics are taking over long term strategies and the leadership in India as well as Pakistan are both myopic in their outlook and latter suggests that though explicitly Indian government has not formulated a plan to resolve the Kashmir imbroglio but their grieving experiences with Pakistan have made them realize to potentially adopt a long term and imaginative course.

Discusses the role of India in the enhancement of security and stability in South Asia. Interest of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in limiting the scope and dimensions of India's military; Commitment to the principles of nonalignment; Involvement of India in a fitful process of economic reform.

Examines the factors that combined in setting the stage for India's decision to detonate nuclear weapons on May 11 and 13, 1998. Origins of the country's nuclear weapons program; Influence of China's nuclear test at Lop Nor; Conduct of India's first nuclear test in 1974; India's exercise of restraint; Changes in India's security and foreign policies following the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Provides a detailed account of the historical origins of the 1989 Jammu and Kashmir insurgency in India, placing it within the context of Indo-Pakistani relations and regional security. Wars between India and Pakistan over the status of Kashmir; Political mobilization and institutional decay; Transformation of political order; Ancient hatreds theory of ethnic conflict.

Focuses on the agreement between India and Pakistan in June 1997 to resume bilateral talks with a view toward improving long-strained relations. Origins of the dispute between the two countries; Reference to the erosion of the secular features of the Indian state in the 1980s; Other information on the dispute.

Discusses the issues confronting India in the 1990s. Secularism and the emergence of religious political groups; Hindu revivalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP); Bitter strife between Hindu majority and the Muslims; Insurgency in the Muslim-dominated Kashmir Valley; End of a quasi-alliance with the Soviet Union; Relations with China; Relations with the United States.

Discusses the conflict between India and Pakistan over the state of Kashmir. History of the conflict; Competing visions of nationalism and state-building; Domestic and bilateral causes of the Kashmir crisis; Implications for India; India's options in resolving the problem.

The incipient nuclearization of South Asia appears to have reproduced a variant of Glenn Snyder's "stability/instability paradox" in the region. The danger of escalation to the nuclear level has significantly limited the prospects of direct interstate conflict. Simultaneously, both India and Pakistan are involved in supporting indigenous insurgencies in their respective states. Decision makers in both capitals see the risks of these ventures as controllable and calculable. A combination of mutual restraint and timely U.S. intercession has prevented two recent crises, in 1987 and 1990, from escalating. Despite the successful defusing of these two crises, a combination of inadvertence and misperception may still lead to conflict escalation in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines threats to India and concludes that India's defense policy toward its neighboring countries and the world lacks direction as the new millennium approaches. Pakistan territorial claims; Approaches in coping with threats; Impact of barring a contingency posing a fundamental threat to its security.