Search

Background Indian babies are characterised by the 'thin-fat phenotype' which comprises a 'muscle-thin but adipose' body composition compared with European babies. This body phenotype is of concern because it is associated with an increased risk of diabetes and cardiovascular disease. We examined whether the 'thin-fat phenotype' persists through early childhood, comparing Indian children with white Caucasians in the UK at birth, infancy and childhood, using comparable measurement protocols. Methods We used data from two cohorts, the Pune Maternal Nutrition Study (N=631) and the Southampton Women's Survey (N=2643). Measurements of weight, head circumference, mid-upper arm circumference, height, triceps and subscapular skinfold thickness were compared at birth, 1, 2, 3 and 6 years of age. SD scores were generated for the Pune children, using the Southampton children as a reference. Generalised estimating equations were used to examine the changes in SD scores across the children's ages. Results The Indian children were smaller at birth in all body measurements than the Southampton children and became relatively even smaller from birth to 2 years, before 'catching up' to some extent at 3 years, and more so by 6 years. The deficit for both skinfolds was markedly less than for other measurements at all ages; triceps skinfold showed the least difference between the two cohorts at birth, and subscapular skinfold at all ages after birth. Conclusions The 'thin-fat phenotype' previously found in Indian newborns, remains through infancy and early childhood. Despite being shorter and lighter than UK children, Indian children are relatively adipose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A survey of the nutritional status of women in 6 villages of the Pune district of Maharashtra, India, found young women to have a significantly lower BMI than their male peers. The purpose of this study was to identify social and economic factors associated with this difference in thinness and to explore the behavior in men and women that might underlie these associations. We compared men and women in 90 families in this part of Maharashtra by taking measurements of the height and weight of the married couple of child-bearing age in each family and assessing their social and economic details, fasting practices, and oil consumption. In this agricultural community, women were thinner in joint land-owning families, where the main occupation was farming, than those in nonfarming families. This was not true of men in this type of family. Men in "cash-rich" families had higher BMI than men in families without this characteristic. There was no corresponding difference in women's BMI. We then examined the lifestyles of men and women in a subset of 45 of these families. Women were more likely to work full time in farming than men, to carry the burden of all household chores, to have less sleep, and to eat less food away from home than men. Women fasted more frequently and more strictly than men. Despite identifying significant differences in behavior between men and women in the same household, we did not find a direct link between behavior and BMI. We conclude that being married into a farming family is an important factor in determining the thinness of a woman in rural Maharashtra.