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This article argues that given its structural conditions, development aid bears a particularly heavy burden of learning and accountability. Unfortunately, however, the organization of evaluation guarantees that evaluations will be inconsistent and it creates incentives for positive bias. This article presents evidence from organizational studies of aid agencies, from the public choice literature, from eight development projects in Africa, and from one in India, that demonstrates positive bias and inconsistency in monitoring and evaluation. It proposes that the evaluation function should be professionalized through an approach titled "monitoring and evaluation for cost effectiveness," and it compares this approach to the World Bank's results-based monitoring and evaluation, the Development Assistance Committee's five evaluation criteria, and evaluations based on randomized trials. This article explains the analytics of the proposed approach and suggests directions for further research. (Contains 3 tables and 2 notes.)

The critical importance of the early childhood years and the rights perspective to human development has made policy and programming for early childhood development an imperative for every nation. In India, poverty, changing economic and social structures resulting in the breakdown of traditional coping mechanisms and family care systems, and the disparity between the rich and the poor place a large number of children "at risk". Early childhood interventions become a pre-requisite in such contexts to mitigate the effects of deprivation and disadvantage and improve life chances, particularly of children from underprivileged and marginalized environments. The present paper uses documentary analysis and literature review to trace the evolution of early childhood development policy and programming in India, describes changing perspectives in planning and, after a critical analyses of the situation of children and programming for children in the country, discusses paradigm shifts that need to be made as the way forward to ensure the well-being of the young child in India. In keeping with international developments, the approach towards planning strategies related to Early Childhood Development (ECD) in India has, over the years, evolved from "Welfare" to "Development" to "Rights". The Constitution of India and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) have been the guideposts for planning but achieving synergy across varied sectors catering to different facets of the child's development has remained elusive. This is reflected in the poor mortality, morbidity and education indicators with respect to the young child. A major reason for this stems from the ambivalent status of ECD in India--while national documents recognize it as the foundation for all other initiatives, these are not backed by resource allocation and political will to provide quality ECD for all. The country's planning processes need to make paradigm shifts in child development strategies and policies to lead to re-designing of interventions. (Contains 3 footnotes.)

It is estimated that more than 12 million children in India under the age of 14 engage in paid labor at least part time, due mostly to economic reasons. Dominant discourses about childhood however conceptualize childhood labor not only as unethical but as exploitation. This article explored the tensions between Western notions of childhood (within which paid labor is considered taboo) and the realities of children's lives in India, arguing that childhood labor must be contextualized and understood not only as a colonial legacy but also as part of its socio-cultural context. The author argues that separating children from the world of work fosters a culture of childhood that emphasizes entitlement over participation and privileges the rights of the consumer over children's rights as citizens.

There is a general presumption among many policy makers that secondary and higher education is not necessary for economic growth and development. On the other hand, it is literacy and primary education that is argued to be important. Estimates on internal rate of return also contributed to strengthening of such a presumption. Accordingly, secondary and higher education do not figure on the poverty reduction agenda of many poor countries and of the international aid organisations. The Indian experience also testifies to all this. Secondary and more strikingly higher education has been subject to neglect by the government. Using most recent statistics, it is attempted here to show that the general presumption on the weak or negligible role of secondary and higher education in development is not valid and that post-elementary education is important for reduction in poverty, in improving infant mortality and life expectancy, and for economic growth.

During its trip to India in 2006, the ASCD Board of Directors visited the Katha School, which is located in a high-poverty section of Delhi. The Katha School began in 1989 with five students. It now houses 1,450 students, with hundreds on a list waiting to get in. Part of the Kalpavriksham Centre for Sustainable Learning, the school is the main learning center that works in and with a large slum cluster in Delhi. The Katha School works to improve the surrounding community, which is highly impoverished, by running self-help groups for community members on a variety of topics. The school is also committed to the idea that through story, the school community will actively build a caring society. The Katha School is an example of the kind of learning environment that India's National Curriculum Framework 2005 is trying to move toward. But India has its challenges. The country has been in the throes of a "testing as learning" struggle for some time. Also, its greatest challenge--now that all children in India have the right to go to school--may be using education to strengthen the democratic way of life.

Higher education is a service that contributes to national development, integration and regional cohesion. Agricultural education in particular has been viewed in many developing countries as a significant contributor to sustainable development and poverty alleviation. In view of its public mandate, higher education in most countries is regulated by competent bodies. However, higher education is also a service recognized under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) of the World Trade Organization (WTO). It is therefore subject to WTO's essential principles of promoting trade liberalization, market access and equitable treatment to all participants. But very little is known about the consequences of free trade in educational services. Also it is difficult to define which educational services are strictly commercial and which are public services. As a result, application of GATS can lead to disputes, unless the definitions are clear and international standards are in place, as in the case of other WTO agreements such as TRIPS, SPS and TBT. The present paper assesses the implications of application of the provisions of GATS to higher education in general and agricultural education in particular, with respect to Indian regulatory mechanisms for agricultural education. International scenarios of application of GATS in higher education and relevant policy issues for India as perceived by the faculty members of agricultural universities are discussed. The purpose is to initiate a fruitful debate at various national forums that can inform national policy and take advantage of the opportunities provided under GATS, while ensuring that national interests are kept in perspective. (Contains 8 tables.)

The note discusses some key issues pertaining to gender, literacy and women's empowerment in India. It uses disaggregated data to illustrate the persisting gender disparities with regard to literacy and points out that despite this there is a lack of real political will to address issues of adult literacy. It further draws on data from the micro-credit sector--micro-credit being an important strategy for women's empowerment and poverty alleviation--to show how literacy continues to be a determinant in women's access to leadership opportunities, resources and learning inputs. The article points out that the discourse on gender and literacy is predominantly around issues of access and not as it should be about changing gender relations or looking at gender within areas such as programme design, training, materials etc. The article also underscores the fact that sustaining literacy by creating a robust literacy environment is of critical importance. Drawing on the above the article makes some recommendations. It is based on the ongoing work of Nirantar, a resource centre for gender and education, in India. (Contains 1 note.) [Abstract presented in English, Spanish, and French.]

The article contributes to a better understanding of implications of scaling up on the social mission of microfinance programs. It proposes a methodology to measure the extent, if any, to which a microfinance program with a poverty alleviation mission drifts away from its mission during rapid scaling up and presents findings from a field research using the proposed methodology at Activists for Social Alternatives (ASA), a microfinance organization that serves poor women in rural India. The findings indicate that mission drift is not a result of deliberate decisions by the management or board but rather is a result of the challenges posed by the scaling-up process. At times, changing trends in social outcomes were not obvious, and management was not aware of the changes indicated by the proposed measures of social performance. (Contains 22 tables and 2 notes.)

Three types of privatisation are identified--involving demand-side financing, reforms to the educational supply-side and "de facto" privatisation, where responsibilities are transferred to the private sector, through the rapid growth of private schools, rather than through reform or legislation. Although "de facto" privatisation may arise because of parental dissatisfaction with state education, it is perceived as undesirable in the literature. Findings from a recent study on private schools in Ghana, Nigeria and India are outlined to explore this issue. The results show a majority of enrolment is in private schools in poor urban and peri-urban areas, and a significant minority in rural areas. Regarding teacher activity, private schools appear superior to government schools, while private school children outperform government children on maths and English, even though expenditure on teacher salaries is much lower in private than government schools. In the context of this evidence, three major objections to the place of "de facto" privatisation in meeting the educational needs of the poor are explored and challenged. (Contains 5 tables.)

This paper discusses the transition from a national focus on food security during the last half of the 20th century to an emerging strategy on helping small-scale farm households increase farm income to reduce rural poverty. The basic proposition is that if extension is going to help increase farm incomes and rural employment, then it must shift from being a "supply-driven" to a more "market-driven" extension system. This shift requires at least three major institutional changes. First, extension must give higher priority to high-value, labor-intensive crops/products where there is real demand in domestic and/or export markets. Second, small-scale producers must get organized into groups to achieve economies of scale and to become linked with the "value chains" that supply these markets. Third, extension planning and decision-making must become decentralized to determine the most suitable crops and/or enterprises vis-a-vis the interests and resources of different farmer groups, in light of agro-ecological conditions and available markets for different products.

In this paper we follow a lead provided by Basu and Basu ["The Greying of Populations: Concepts and Measurement," Demography India 16, pp. 79-89], in order to advance a class of "agedness" indices which, because they have been motivated by analogous considerations in the poverty measurement literature, can find application in that area of enquiry as well. The properties of the proposed indices are discussed, and illustrations of empirical application are provided. The note is intended as a contribution to the larger enquiry into the measurement of development indicators.

Major obstacles threaten the future of Ethiopia. Global publicity regarding the drought of 1986 has left the world with images of starving and orphaned Ethiopian children. Such conditions do still exist in parts of this nation, in which 45 percent of the population falls below the national poverty line (The World Factbook, 2003). In a nation of such expansive poverty, educational aspirations for those who could change the future, the children, are often subservient to concerns for basic survival. Even when children are fortunate enough to attend school at all, the quality of the schools vastly differs (Hoot, Szente, & Mebratu, in press), and the drop-out rate--especially for females--is very high (United States Agency for International Development [USAID], 2002). In rural areas, where the majority of the population lives, school attendance is further complicated by the view that marriage at a very young age is necessary for many families' economic survival. Girls as young as 5 may be promised to generally older males, with whom they live following a pre-marriage celebration. Such traditions may lead to girls who are only 9-12 years old becoming pregnant. Severe complications for both the physically immature mothers and the likely premature infants result in even greater entrenchment of the poverty cycle. These, as well as other challenges (such as the AIDS pandemic), promise to lower the current life expectancy of 41 years even more in the near future. This article describes the efforts of a USAID project being implemented in two primary schools in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. During the initial years of the project, efforts focused on creating exemplary early childhood programs as well as long-term educational collaborations through the use of educational technology. By introducing computer training at an early age, students will be able to contribute to the economic capital of the country, thus eventually increasing the economic well-being of the entire nation.

Movement is an integral part of human existence. While talking about transborder migration from Bangladesh to India, we are, however, aware that this is a controversial subject. The partition of Bengal in 1947 was the cruelest partition in the history of the world and caused forced illegal migration from erstwhile East Pakistan. It is estimated that there are about 15 million Bangladeshi nationals living in India illegally. West Bengal has a border running 2,216 km along Bangladesh. The present study highlights push-pull factors of illegal Bangladeshi migration based on perceptions of respondents obtained from a qualitative survey done on the basis of purposive sampling in Kolkata and 24 parganas and two districts of West Bengal (WB), an Indian State. The economic push factors that motivate people to leave Bangladesh are instability and economic depression, poverty, lack of employment opportunity, struggle for livelihood, forced grabbing of landed property from minority group, and lack of industrialization in Bangladesh. About 56% of the respondents expressed that lack of industrialisation/lack of employment/economic insecurity would be the probable cause of this migration. Among the demographic factors, population explosion in Bangladesh and lowest human development index may be the most important cause of illegal migration from Bangladesh to West Bengal. Hindu minority group faced problems in connection with matrimonial alliances. Educational curricula, which were framed according to Islamic preaching and curtailment of facilities enjoyed by Hindu minority group, were responsible factor for illegal migration of Hindu minority population. Another cause is social insecurity. Political instability, fear of riots and terrorism in Bangladesh, inhuman attitude and activities of the political leaders, absence of democratic rights, Muslim domination, religious instigation by political leaders, insecurity feeling of Hindus, are the major crucial issues that require to be mentioned as political push factors. About 59% of the respondents are of the opinion that religious fundamentalists/insecurity of the minority group/discriminating law and order against Hindus may be the factors that motivated migration from Bangladesh to West Bengal. In terms of "ethnic cleansing", one can witness elimination of groups of minorities by dominant ethnic group, curbing their rights controlling their influence in a state's system. Double standards are observed in punishing criminals. Police officials do not record complaints from minority community. According to 85% of the respondent economic opportunity in terms of job opportunity, economic security prevailing in West Bengal worked as pull factors for migrants to West Bengal. Geographic proximity of Bangladesh and West Bengal, the linguistics and cultural similarities, same food habit, homo-ethnic climate, belief of getting shelter, cordiality, fellow-feeling, acceptance power of people of West Bengal have contributed to the movements of population from Bangladesh to West Bengal. (Contains 2 tables.)

A development project in a poor east Indian community used community development and sustainable livelihoods methods that understated the critical importance of rank, caste, and power relations. Implemented out of context, these models became obstacles to survival and development. (Contains 16 references.) (SK)

Examines a Calcutta street child's experiences with vocational education within a broader historical framework of colonial and post-colonial discourses on formal education and the poor. Provides an ethnographic narrative of the child's experiences, exploring how colonialism, by establishing a modern education system and transforming children's work into wage labor, constitutes a major disjunction in the lives of the poor. (JPB)

Describes the work of one educator and advocate for children's rights in Hyderabad, India, who founded a system of community-run schools in the slums to offer access to education to all children in the area, none of whom had previously attended school. The schools are funded by government sources and the community. Parent empowerment and community participation is encouraged. (SM)

The Indian Children's Parliament (Rajastan, India) emerged from the Social Work and Research Centre (later known as the Barefoot College), which provides academic and vocational classes at night for rural working children. These children contribute to family incomes, but previously their opinions were not acknowledged. Students elect 17 Parliament members who monitor conditions in their night schools and villages. (CDS)

Interviews with 515 children brought to a home for neglected, destitute, and delinquent children in Bombay (India) resulted in self-reports of familial physical violence from approximately 50% of the sample, with two-thirds of those reporting abusive violence. Over 60% of the children who had run away from home cited violence by parents as the primary reason. (Author/JDD)

The Hunger Project in India used a strategic planning-in-action approach that involved (1) reaching a common understanding; (2) creating a strategic intent; (3) choosing social indicators; (4) identifying strategic objectives; (5) empowering leadership; (6) identifying immediate action steps; and (7) sustaining the action. (SK)

Investigates how poverty, perceived economic status, coping, and defense behaviors interrelate. Asks if social support moderates this relationship, using sample consisting of 150 Indian men. Finds that perceived economic status is dependent on physical environment and income. Concludes that poverty made coping and defense behaviors more difficult, a result that social support did not moderate. (CH)

Describes the efforts of the Society for Promotion of Area Resource Centres to find an alternative settlement for homeless women living on the street in Bombay. (JOW)

This article features the Centre for Environment Education (CEE) Sustainable Development Programme, a two-week course designed for university students from a wide variety of disciplines, with an interest in sustainability and cross-cultural studies. The two-week programme provides cross-disciplinary understanding and practical experience of development approaches that deal effectively with several interconnected challenges of the developing world: rapid development, poverty, loss of biodiversity and the need to find alternatives to a carbon-based economy. The programme is offered under the guidance of a skilled and experienced faculty drawn from leading thinkers and practitioners in the area of sustainability.

Background/Context: Human rights education has proliferated in the past four decades and can be found in policy discussions, textbook reforms, and grassroots initiatives across the globe. This article specifically explores the role of creativity and imagination in human rights education (HRE) by focusing on a case study of one non-governmental (NGO) organization's program operating across India. Purpose/Objective: This article argues that human rights education can and should be creative and innovative in its approaches to ensure access and sustainability of programs that seek to transform the learning experiences of marginalized students. Evidence from India contributes to the discussion of HRE by presenting teachers' and students' experiences with one particular human rights education program in India that incorporates an array of strategies to secure support and contextually-relevant curricula and pedagogy for poor children. Research questions that guided the larger study from which data are presented here included (a) How have differentiated motivations for, conceptualizations of, and initiatives towards HRE operated at the levels of policy, curriculum and pedagogy, and practice in India? (b) What impact has HRE had on Indian teachers and youth from diverse backgrounds who have participated in one NGO program? Research Design: The larger study from which the data are drawn is a vertical case study utilizing primarily qualitative methods. Participants in the larger study included 118 human rights education teachers, 625 students, 80 staff and policy makers of human rights education, and 8 parents. Observations of teacher trainings included hundreds more participants. The majority of student respondents came from "tribal" (indigenous) or Dalit (previously called "untouchable") communities, both comprising the most marginalized sections of Indian society. Design and Methods: This study was primarily qualitative and was carried out from August 2008 to August 2010 (13 months of fieldwork during that period). Semi-structured interviews were carried out with 118 teachers, 25 students, 8 parents, and 80 staff and officials of human rights education in India. 59 focus groups were carried out with an additional 600 students. Observations were also carried out of teacher trainings in human rights and human rights camps for students. Follow up data were collected on subsequent, but shorter, field visits from 2011-2013. Conclusions/Recommendations: The study found the following: (a) Human rights education that is creative, contextualized, and engaging offers a meaningful opportunity for educators, families and students to critique and interrogate social inequalities. (b) Non-governmental organizations can provide a unique perspective on human rights education by drawing on diverse creative approaches if they are able to engage effectively with students, communities, educators and schools. (c) Research on human rights education must attend to how local communities, activists, artists and educators make meaning of normative frameworks (like human rights) in order to understand how creativity, imagination and innovation are engaged and "indigenized" in productive and transformative ways. Further attention to creativity and imagination in human rights education can illuminate how HRE influences--and is mediated by--existing community realities and societal structures.

Bhasin argues for a clear and scientific analysis of the structure of poverty and exploitation that keeps Indian women illiterate, unequal, hungry, and ill. Ellis explores ways of linking women's issues with adult, nonformal, and literacy education to help women meet the challenges of development. (CT)

Discusses out-of-home care for children in India including the social, emotional, and cultural challenges of out-of-home care and the need to develop individuation. (RJC)