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The prime purpose of this study is to find out the research productivity of three regions Nigeria, Pakistan, and India. The bibliometric quantification was used to analyze the data. The present research identifies the importance of this online journal. The study discloses frequency of publication growth, author's collaborations, papers length, and most cited papers, most productive authors, and total references used. Design/methodology/approach The survey method was used to find out the full-text research articles on the online database of LPP. The Google scholar was used to retrieve the citations. All the collected data has been analyzed using MS excel and other electronic devices. Findings The results of this study indicate that in the year 2008 to 2013. The contribution of Nigerian authors is more than the other two nations that are 226 while Indian comes 2nd with 193 research papers and Pakistan comes 3rd with 67 research articles from the studied period in the wellknown journal of Library and information science field that is LPP. The present study revealed the majority of the research articles were single authors from Nigeria 114, Pakistan 18, and India 80. The study results show that the majority of the paper length in the range of 6-10 Nigerian 116, Pakistan 34, and India 70 respectively. The study showed the total references were calculated 4140 from Nigeria, 1506 Pakistan, and 3243 from Indian. The most cited paper was retrieved by a Nigerian paper that is 197 citations. The analyzed data shows the most productive authors were Rubina Bhatti from Pakistan with 18 research papers. This study contributes to the existing literature of three-nation contributions to the Library Philosophy and practice throughout the year. This is the first study of three-nation research productivity in the well-known online journal library philosophy and practice. Limitations of the study The present study was limited to the well-known LIS Journal and research articles specifically published at online journal library philosophy and practice. This study is purely limited to the research productivity of Nigerian, Pakistani, and Indian authors to the Library Philosophy and Practice from 2008 to 2013. Practical implications Despite its limitations, the findings of the study will help the LIS professionals of three nations and as well as other parts of the LIS professionals to provide more information about their research productivity of a particular journal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Most nuclear dyads are characterized by some degree of nuclear and conventional asymmetry. This paper argues that these asymmetries create an environment in which deliberate nuclear first use (DNFU) can be rational. This possibility has been discarded in the formal literature on nuclear escalation because of the common reliance on the assumption of mutually assured destruction (MAD). This paper develops a formal model that traces how and under what circumstances two types of DNFU are rational. First, nuclear imbalances and advancements in counterforce technologies create a damage limitation incentive for a strong actor. Second, conventional asymmetry creates an incentive for the coercive use of nuclear weapons by the weaker player. Moreover, this paper illustrates that these asymmetric conditions are a relevant characteristic in important and very different nuclear dyads: DPRK–US, Pakistan–India, and Russia–US. Thus, the model demonstrates the potential core drivers of DNFU in today's nuclear landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: As Covid-19 became a pandemic, numerous people were forced to stay at home, leading to increased intimate partner violence (IPV) in many countries, particularly in developing and least-developed ones. This paper aims to highlight the IPV based on 15 different cases formed from the practical evidence of five developing countries. Design/methodology/approach: The authors interviewed 15 women from five countries who were the victims of IPV during the early periods of Covid-19 outbreak. Due to geographical remoteness, the authors conducted informal telephone interviews to collect the participants' personal experiences. The conversations were recorded with participants' permission; afterwards, the authors summarized participants' experiences into 15 different cases without revealing their original identities (instead, disguised names were used). Findings: It was revealed that the women were the primary victims of such violence, particularly from their intimate partners (husbands). In most cases, such IPV, as reported by the interviewees, originated or increased after the pandemic when they were forced to stay at home, losing their partners' jobs or income sources. Originality/value: The authors summarized the causes of IPV and put forward a few action recommendations based on the interviewees' practical experience and existing literature. This paper will open a new window for research investigations on IPV during emergencies such as Covid-19 outbreak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study presents the trends in authorship pattern and author collaborative in the Biotechnology research field with the sample of 18119 articles which collected from Scopus database for the year 2007 to 2016. The search string used for data download is same for all country and all data downloaded for each country. The three scientometric tools; Collaboration Coefficient, Authorship pattern and Activity Index have been used for the data analysis. The multi- authorship articles are greater than single authorship. The study found that the researchers in Biotechnology move towards team research or group research rather than solo research. The average Activity Index of four SAARC countries for ten years' time spam is highest for India and lowest counted for Sri Lanka followed by Pakistan and Bangladesh at the 3rd and 4th place. The international collaboration shows that the United States has taken the top position for India and Sri Lanka, another hand China important for Pakistan and Bangladesh contributed with Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to analyse critically media headlines of leading Indian e-papers during the crisis of Pulwama phase igniting from 14th of February to 31st of March 2019. The study has included five newspapers from India. The research has examined role of concordance of lexicon and collocations for angling news headlines. The research design is qualitative in approach. For the analysis of news headlines Fairclough's 3-D model (1992) is employed to expose ideological representation through semantic devices (concordance and collocations). Theoretical framework includes selected features of Paul Chilton's Model of Deictic Space Theory (2004) like, Proximization, and Wieczorek's (2013) Clusivity to analyse the text. The results give deeper understanding of indian journalistic discourse that shows Concordance of use of words like terrorist/s, attack, JeM, dangerous and phrases like punishing Pakistan, threats of surgical strike, reflects the trend to be so grave and lethal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 1998, the two most important South Asian states overtly conducted their nuclear tests and thus marked the beginning of an era of nuclearisation in the sub-continent. This overt nuclearisation within the region led to a sense of optimism among scholars and policymakers which almost completely ruled out the possibility of an all-out war between India and Pakistan. However, exactly after a year the Kargil War erupts between India and Pakistan- a war that was fought between two 'nuclear power states' and since then has completely changed the equation and definition of 'warfare' between the two most important and strategically volatile states of South Asia. The year 2023 marks the 24th anniversary of the Kargil War, and the present paper makes an attempt to apprise the lesson that both India and Pakistan have learnt in the post Kargil War era, with specific reference to the techniques and modus operandi of warfare. Questioning the very definition of 'war' as developed during the Cold War era, this paper will try to look into pertinent issues how warfare between India and Pakistan has undergone a qualitative change in the post-nuclearisation phase. A closer scrutiny of the nature of war that took place in Kargil points to the fact that there exists a space below the nuclear threshold of both India and Pakistan that can be exploited for conducting a 'Limited War'- a theoretical prism that refutes the claim made by nuclear pessimists that any war between new nuclear nations will escalate to a nuclear level. Using qualitative methodology as its framework, based on the secondary literature and insights of interviews of policy analyst and experts the paper wishes to contribute a new debate within the discourse of India-Pakistan Relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In South Asia, India-Pakistan nuclear equation faces an intricate stability/instability paradox under the shadow of pervasive non-state actors. These actors are exploited by the bellicose nuclear rivals and used as proxies to bleed each other. The terrorist incidents may lead to a crisis that could escalate to the nuclear level. The ambitious belligerents—India and Pakistan—are embroiled in a vicious nuclear and conventional arms race. In conjunction, both lack any effective conflict resolution mechanism. Though, past strategic crises were managed beneath the panic of nuclear escalation and intervention by the international community. What if such a crisis develops again if a spectacular terrorist attack occurs, especially in mainland India. Indian decision-makers could castigate Pakistan by contemplating so-called surgical strikes under the impression that Pakistan has launched terrorists against India. This research paper critically analyzes how non-state actors and their use in sub-conventional warfare pose severe repercussions for nuclear deterrence stability in the absence of credible nuclear escalation control measures between India and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies in the United Kingdom have shown distinctions in intergenerational co-residency between UK-born and foreign-born individuals, however, little research has examined how factors such as immigrant incorporation, economic adaptation, and kin availability shape household formation patterns among immigrants. This paper uses data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study (2009–2010) to explore differences in the likelihood of UK-born and foreign-born working-aged adults to co-reside with at least one parent, highlighting distinctions by life stage (age) at migration and gender. Results show that, regardless of life stage at migration, foreign-born women and men are less likely to co-reside with parents than UK-born, however, intergenerational co-residency is high among some second-generation immigrant groups, particularly UK-born Indian, Pakistani, and Bangladeshi individuals. These findings challenge cultural assumptions about household formation patterns and point to the need for additional research on how economic inequality, kin availability, and gender norms shape immigrant household composition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan and India have been repeatedly enlisted as the most vulnerable countries to climate change. Both countries face a series of common environmental issues owing to climate change, smog, drought and floods, to name a few. However, since the Uri attack in 2016, India has virtually suspended SAARC by not participating in annual summits. Since then, stern gridlock has been witnessed in bilateral relations between Pakistan and India. In this regard, the first half of the paper highlights common environmental issues faced by Pakistan and India and later suggests areas of cooperation to overcome these challenges. The qualitative analysis shows that common environmental challenges faced by Pakistan and India provide an opportunity to break the ice between two neighbouring yet antagonist countries and rejuvenate the bilateral dialogue process. The paper aims to highlight the importance of cooperation over common environmental challenges, which has the potential to end the deadlock between Pakistan and India and spillover cooperation in other areas of common interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explains the mechanisms of informal value transfer systems (IVTS) and illustrates the obstacles to domestic and international IVTS regulation including lax recordkeeping, language barriers and lack of communication between federal and international regulatory regimes. It highlights the steps taken by the U.S. to regulate IVTS and discusses the ongoing challenges to the U.S. approach. It compares the regulatory attempts of foreign countries including India, Pakistan and Afghanistan.

BACKGROUND: Work-related musculoskeletal disorders (WRMSDs) and ergonomic risk factors are very common in bakery workers. OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this study is to (1) assess the prevalence of musculoskeletal disorders among bakers because they use automated machines or traditional baking, and (2) to determine the strategies to prevent musculoskeletal disorders in bakers. METHODS: A systematic review of PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science was conducted from the beginning to February 4, 2022, based on the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines. Mesh keywords and phrases were used to execute the search strategy. Information on MSDs and ergonomic risk factors in bakery workers was collected. Two reviewers worked independently on study selection, data extraction, and paper quality ranking. RESULTS: This study identified 14 papers from seven countries. Although the prevalence of MSDs in bakery workers has been studied, only a handful of them have been studied ergonomic risk factors, and the findings have been very limited. The association between different risk factors and MSDs seemed significant compared to many other occupational diseases. The traditional bread-baking system and lack of mechanization may increase the risk of MSDs in bakery workers. CONCLUSION: WRMSDs for bakery workers have been less studied than other occupational diseases. Our systematic review found several significant relations between the factors influencing the prevalence of MSDs. This study also showed the comparison of traditional and modern cooking systems with diseases of the upper limbs, shoulders, and back pain as possible fields for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how Pakistani print news media framed two armed conflict that occurred between India and Pakistan post-Pulwama attack in 2019 using five framing categories; conflict, morality, responsibility human interest, and solution. Using census approach subset of data; 282 opinions and editorials were collected from a population of 1,321 published number of items. Results from content analysis showed that media published a significant amount of content in editorials and opinions regarding armed conflicts. Content analysis disclosed that Pakistani print media placed emphasis on the use of conflict frame, and the use of human-interest frame was seen slightly low in numbers across all the newspapers during framing of Balakot airstrike and Pakistani retaliation after the Pulwama attack. However, there was no significant difference found between framing categories used by print news media. Findings are discussed in the context of journalistic priorities in selecting specific frames during framing of armed conflicts that holds national and international prominence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much has been written about how imperialist and Indian nationalist historiographies have approached 1857, scant attention has been paid to how it has been remembered in Pakistan. This article endeavours to explore the ways in which 1857 has been articulated by the state in India and Pakistan through a study of their commemorative postage stamps. On the face of it, India's emphasis on nonviolence and Pakistan's quest for an Islamic history make 1857 a misfit within the historiographies of both states. However, the paper outlines that during the centenary in 1957, both India and Pakistan commemorated 1857 while maintaining some discursive distance from it. While Pakistan chose to memorialise it as the beginning of its struggle for independence, India recessed it within the broader framework of independence itself. The paper goes on to demonstrate how this position has changed drastically over the years. In order to weave a composite and inclusive history of the country, India now celebrates the legacy of 1857 by appropriating it within the frames of national unity, patriotism, and anti-imperialism. Pakistan, on the other hand, uses 1857 merely as a means to segue into a discussion of reform efforts led by the subcontinent's Muslim elite, thereby relegating it to the background of the Pakistan movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attacks perpetrated using acid are a particular form of interpersonal violence, possibly one of the most heinous manifestations of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). Acid attacks are mainly motivated by extramarital cheating, marital conflicts, women's rejection of marriage proposals, and sexual advances. As these attacks are not well understood from a psychological perspective, we conducted a systematic review, following Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Review and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines, of 284 articles identified, 13 were eligible for inclusion. Three main focuses were identified: "Risk and vulnerability factors," "Consequences and implications," and "Interventions and treatments." Acid attacks seem to be more frequent in countries where social and economic development leads to greater tensions over traditional gender roles like Bangladesh, Pakistan, and India. Identified risk factors were young age, low socioeconomic status, low educational attainment, ethnicity, unemployment status of the victim, alcohol, and drug use of the perpetrator. Among the main psychosocial consequences of acid attacks, isolation and social exclusion emerged. Additionally, the paper will discuss the role of mental health consequences and specific treatments from psychological, clinical, and medical-legal points of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literature survey was proposed, aiming at summarizing the state of the art and, consequently, the research potential, in the increasingly popular field of circular economy, specifically applied to the construction industry in South Asian countries (Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh). In particular, the role of a life cycle assessment (LCA) to support the circular building design concept in construction projects was investigated. This review organized 71 published papers that examined environmental building assessments, certifications for sustainable buildings, the awareness of sustainable buildings, and recent advancements in this field between 2005 and 2022. The review pointed out that half of the LCA studies used the cradle-to-grave LCA methodology for environmental impact assessment, while the other half used the cradle-to-cradle LCA methodology. Regardless of the recent research, the literature still lacks the cradle-to-cradle implementation of the LCA methodology in selected countries which is essential for implementing truly circular building strategies. Moreover, the literature showed a lack of interest and awareness among all stakeholders in the construction of environmentally friendly buildings. The main barrier to carry out LCA for building performance is the unavailability of a regional database, which was pointed out in the literature, as well as the criteria for certification that are not available or do not comply with the standards of the specific contexts of Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Establishing a liberal government in post-Taliban Afghanistan allowed India to fulfil its foreign policy goal, i.e., investment in Afghanistan to acquire leverage for its anti-Pakistan agenda. However, the twenty-year war ended with the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, resulting in the Taliban's rise to power, diminishing Indian influence and reversion of its interests. India halted its investment and diplomatic engagement with the Taliban government due to its previous position, which led India to compromise on its strategic interests outlined in the presence of US forces. To safeguard its strategic interests, India has resumed its diplomatic and economic engagement with the Taliban government at a critical time when other regional states are analysing the US' future course of action towards the war-torn country. Therefore, this paper examines how India evaluates the newly structured regional environment while finding a new role in Afghanistan. It also analyses the implications of India-Afghanistan re-engagement for Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The independence from the British rule was accompanied with partition of the Indian subcontinent on religious lines. Since partition in 1947, the two nation-states India and Pakistan have been hostile toward each other. Communalism has also been a major challenge in both these countries. The current study locates this continued hostility or the "enemy" narrative that the countries harbor not just of each other, but which also shapes the experience of a religious community within their territory. Limiting the inquiry to the Indian side, this paper explores the production of the "enemy" narrative through the discursive knowledge around partition and how it locates Muslims. The paper analyzes textbooks of two education boards in India and argues that the narrative excludes the contribution of Muslims in the nationalist movement, charts out an uncritical history of the demand for partition, and stigmatizes the Muslim community as "communal" and "unpatriotic." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's aggressive military doctrine exploits the questionable space for a limited war under a nuclear overhang. This doctrine is designed to dilute, if not fully compromise, the notion of nuclear deterrence. Indian military high command has often boasted about waging a conventional war against Pakistan. India's unilateral decision to repeal Kashmir's special constitutional status has further exacerbated the volatility of the hitherto conflict-prone environment in South Asia. India's doctrine manifests in the offensive deployment of S-400 missile systems along Pakistan's border, further supplemented by the positioning of Dassault Rafale fighter jets. While it might temporarily alter the region's strategic stability equation, Pakistan must rebalance this shift in its strategic stability. There is a need to review the notion of strategic stability as it applies to the region's nuclear balance of power. This paper analyses India's aggressive military doctrine fuelling its desire to wage a limited conventional war against Pakistan, examines the effects of growing military asymmetry, evaluates the impact of the short but swift military action in February 2019, and finally endeavours to determine the stabilizing impact of the nuclear deterrent on South Asia's strategic stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategic culture involves diplomatic ties, geopolitical orientation and political ideology involving the military. India's strategic culture orientates pro-nationalist policies, emphasizing the business progression of a specific class, discriminating in exercising minority rights, and imbalancing diplomatic ties with neighbouring states for regional hegemony. Indian leadership, from Jawaharlal Nehru to Narendra Modi, has kept regional dominance as a primary Indian strategic objective. More importantly, the Indian strategic community has carefully maintained narrative linking insurgencies with its neighbours, especially Pakistan. A cross-sectional analysis of Indian political doctrines explains how internal security challenges of India are shaping its strategic culture and stance towards Pakistan. It includes contextualizing the concept of strategic culture and modelling Indian strategic culture to the scope of research. The impact of Indian strategic culture on Pakistan is multi-dimensional, ranging from combat capabilities to international presence at international forums like the UN and FATF. The research proposes policy options and action points for Pakistan. The paper establishes three fundamental aspects. First, the Indian strategic thoughts are rooted in Kautilyian discourse. Second, linking Pakistan with insurgencies in India. Third, with the rise of Hindutva through the BJP with a conducive geostrategic environment, India has resorted to an offensive-defensive strategy towards Pakistan. With these interpretations, the research paves the way for identifying policy options for Pakistan while considering Pakistan's national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the interstate reconciliation between India and Pakistan after the shock of Sino-Indian War of 1962. The post-1962 war political-security equations, particularly at the regional level, gave rise to a situation that necessitated India's reconciliatory negotiations with Pakistan over Kashmir. Though the rival parties engaged in a six-round political dialogue, the process ended up in a deadlock followed by spirals of armed clashes that culminated in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. The paper shows that this reconciliation process proved counterproductive because it was imposed from outside and the principal parties, in a window-driven haste and under the political-strategic constraints, could not mutually agree on to reconcile their political differences and settle the territorial dispute over Kashmir. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces Development Led Inquiry (DLI) as an approach to improve situations incorporating relationships between third sector organisations (TSOs) and agricultural scientists, universities, and the public-sector agricultural establishment. There is limited scholarly work on the role of TSOs in agricultural research. Current approaches appear premised on TSOs being researched upon, and recipients of research outcomes rather than partners in generation and application of new knowledge. DLI expands the boundaries of research systems and roles of TSOs as supporters within them. DLI builds on partnerships between NGOs, farmers' organisations, and women's associations; it integrates researchers and research organisations to develop, manage and report knowledge generation and application. DLI is dynamic and developmental with learning for all participants central to the process. DLI unsettles current power structures within research systems and sees research and knowledge generation as a supporter rather than leader of development. DLI is embedded in an inquiring systems approach and applies six interrelated conceptual systems thinking tools. The approach emerged from, and was applied in, a twelve-year agricultural research project in India, and was subsequently introduced to, and further developed in a research project in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India views the Indian Ocean as an embodiment of its strategic presence in the region. India has realized the strategic importance of the Indian Ocean since its independence and is keenly interested in maintaining sustainable maritime operations. This strategic importance of the Indian Ocean has diversified India's national security objectives intertwined with its national interests. On top of that, the US has strengthened its relations with India in the last two decades; as a result, the Indo-US partnership is deemed to help India in becoming a pre-eminent maritime power in the Indian Ocean region. This has expanded India's role as a net security provider in the Indian Ocean region. In this sense, Indo-US. strategic cooperation and bilateral agreements have granted the former an exceptional strategic role in the latter's strategic calculus and security interests in the Indian Ocean region. Moreover, the US strongly supports India's military rise in the India Ocean region as a rightful Chinese competitor. China is not ready to accept the Indian naval exceptionalism. In response to Indian engagement in the Indo-Pacific region, China is increasing its naval presence in the Indian Ocean region. This paper attempts to explore linkages between India's naval rise in the Indian Ocean region due to Indo-US strategic partnership. Both powers have made a strategic handshake to contain rising China. In addition, the paper also explores the implications of India's naval ambitions in the Indian Ocean region and its implications for strategic stability and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US as a strategic partner of Pakistan used its political will, diplomacy and economic policies to make India agree for the resolution of the Kashmir conflict during the Cold War era. However, the US role in the post-Cold War era transformed from the conflict resolver to the crisis manager, such as de-escalating tension between the two rivals. US President, Donald Trump, has resumed that role and offered both Pakistan and India to resolve the long-standing conflict of Kashmir. Therefore, this paper finds that the US intention of mediation has changed due to the geopolitical and geostrategic interests in South Asia, for instance, the US-Soviet strategic rivalries during the Cold War and the US encircling of China in the post-Cold War era. This paper further analyzes how and why the US offered its mediation during the Cold War era and why its offer of mediation has not become successful. Moreover, how the US mediating role impacted India's policy towards Kashmir during the Cold War and the post-Cold War eras. Finally, this paper explores the major factors behind the US political will to resolve India-Pakistan conflict when Pakistan has already contributed towards the US-Taliban peace process in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of Partition have focused upon the bitterly polarized yet vibrant public sphere of the last days of the British Raj, wherein newspapers representing Congress, Muslim League and Akali opinion vied for influence through increasingly hostile propaganda targeted at the 'other/s'. Such studies' focus on ideological battles and propaganda results in relatively less attention being given to what became of these papers once the British departed and the parties these papers espoused or opposed captured power. This paper will seek to revisit such assumptions by analyzing the trials and tribulations of the significant newspaper houses unfortunate enough to be located on the geographical frontlines of Partition and in major centres of communal conflagration. Through such analyses, I will seek to show that it was a combination of initial mob action, reinforced often by state repression and even popular reproach, that forced newspapers viewed as belonging to the 'other' party to move to safer (and greener) pastures. In the process, late-colonial India's once pluralist public sphere came to be partitioned into sections that broadly conformed to the ideologies that the respective Dominions' new rulers espoused. While aligning newspapers with the majoritarian public opinion, this Partition occasioned shifts of personnel and presses that would fundamentally alter the postcolonial press industry in West and East Pakistan, and to a lesser extent, in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents two algorithms for the large-scale automatic detection and instance segmentation of potential archaeological mounds on historical maps. Historical maps present a unique source of information for the reconstruction of ancient landscapes. The last 100 years have seen unprecedented landscape modifications with the introduction and large-scale implementation of mechanised agriculture, channel-based irrigation schemes, and urban expansion to name but a few. Historical maps offer a window onto disappearing landscapes where many historical and archaeological elements that no longer exist today are depicted. The algorithms focus on the detection and shape extraction of mound features with high probability of being archaeological settlements, mounds being one of the most commonly documented archaeological features to be found in the Survey of India historical map series, although not necessarily recognised as such at the time of surveying. Mound features with high archaeological potential are most commonly depicted through hachures or contour-equivalent form-lines, therefore, an algorithm has been designed to detect each of those features. Our proposed approach addresses two of the most common issues in archaeological automated survey, the low-density of archaeological features to be detected, and the small amount of training data available. It has been applied to all types of maps available of the historic 1″ to 1-mile series, thus increasing the complexity of the detection. Moreover, the inclusion of synthetic data, along with a Curriculum Learning strategy, has allowed the algorithm to better understand what the mound features look like. Likewise, a series of filters based on topographic setting, form, and size have been applied to improve the accuracy of the models. The resulting algorithms have a recall value of 52.61% and a precision of 82.31% for the hachure mounds, and a recall value of 70.80% and a precision of 70.29% for the form-line mounds, which allowed the detection of nearly 6000 mound features over an area of 470,500 km2, the largest such approach to have ever been applied. If we restrict our focus to the maps most similar to those used in the algorithm training, we reach recall values greater than 60% and precision values greater than 90%. This approach has shown the potential to implement an adaptive algorithm that allows, after a small amount of retraining with data detected from a new map, a better general mound feature detection in the same map. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The special status of Indian Occupied Kashmir has been abolished after the Bhartiya Janta Party's (BJP) government revoked Article 370 of the Constitution in 2019. The bilateral relations between India and Pakistan are marred by the Kashmir issue. Since independence, Kashmiris have been denied basic human rights including the right to choose and the right to life. India has pursued hard-lined policies to suppress Kashmiris' right to self-determination. The central argument of this paper is that Indian government has been trying to legitimize its occupation of Kashmir. In pursuit of this, it has been suppressing the voices of Kashmiris and committing human rights violations. The research investigates how Indian actions following the abrogation of Article 370 have led to grave human rights abuses in Kashmir. The study has adopted qualitative approach and used various reports and published literature on the matter. The issue has been analyzed from the lens of realism, constructivism, and balance of power theory. India has been using excessive military might and tactics like changing the demographics of the region to stabilize and legitimize its rule. It is the time when the international community should take notice of Indian belligerence and abuse of the internationally accepted Convention of 1990, the Covenant of 1966, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. The United Nations must intervene to stop the illtreatment of the Kashmiri people, who have been the victims of Indian defiance for decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to counter China’s rising influence, US is finding more allies in South Asia. As a result, it has been signing various agreements with India to strengthen its footsteps in the region. Due to the mutual interests and shared values of both the partners, they have come close to each other through the civil nuclear cooperation. This is causing a number of concerns for the neighbors as US-India partnership is proving highly beneficial for both of the states at the international arena. India is becoming a source of balancing power for the US to retain its influence in the Pacific and Indian oceans against the rising power, China and its allies. Contrary to this, India is also getting benefit from US in terms of strengthening its military capabilities using the state-of-the-art technologies provided by the US, posing many security implications for the adversaries and neighbors of India. India-US strategic partnership is causing a shift in balance of power in India’s favor which can be dangerous for Pakistan’s security. In this scenario, Pakistan can never afford to remain oblivious of the developments taking place between these two countries because of its security concerns. These developments can undermine Pakistan’s deterrent capabilities and can weaken its position in the Indo-Pak strife over the Kashmir issue. Consequently, Pakistan will have to work with China to strengthen its bond to counter the negative effects caused by the USIndia partnership. Also, it will have to rethink its foreign policy towards the eastern countries and will have to establish cordial bilateral relations with its neighbors. This paper covers all the aspects of bilateral partnership between India and the USA and its implications for Pakistan economically, politically, strategically and diplomatically. This research aims to analyze the emerging strategic partnership between the United States and India and its implications for Pakistan. Moreover, a descriptive-analytical method has been adopted to carry out this research work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to illustrate the relevance and importance of integrated deterrence in one of the most unpredictable regions of the world where India and Pakistan, have inched closer to crossing the nuclear threshold amid crises. Conventional asymmetry, offensive doctrines and the changing character of war impact South Asia's strategic stability. India’s existing doctrinal thinking, technological developments in the military domain and its temptation for a pre-emptive military strike demands a corresponding review of Pakistan’s doctrinal thinking. In this regard, Pakistan's shift towards integrating nuclear and conventional forces, effective diplomacy, and a quest for strong economy are integral for eradicating the probability of limited war in the region. The future of South Asian strategic stability lies in the practical implementation and adaptation of integrated deterrence by Pakistan into its doctrinal thinking and force posture, as this policy shift will help Pakistan develop a more cohesive, robust, and effective conventional response against offensive Indian military posturing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since India’s independence and partition from Pakistan, the relationship between Hindus and Muslims has been marked by continuous conflict and mutual distrust. The effects of the British divide and rule strategy that pitted Muslims and Hindus against one another became a hallmark of the relationship between the two communities in the postcolonial period. Such divisions were greatly exacerbated with the coming to power of those who believed in Hindutva or ethnic absolutism. Islamophobia became normalized. Many Muslim scholars have come forward to address this quandary, foremost among which was the late Wahiduddin Khan (1925-2021). This paper investigates Khan’s thoughts about communal harmony in post-independent India. I argue that Khan called for a reformation of Muslim minds, urging them to move beyond an isolationist mentality and find possibilities to develop their society within the status quo. Nevertheless, fraternity, correlation, and communitarianism are to be practiced obtaining religious harmony. Further, Khan’s understanding of the treaty of Ḥudaibiyyah as a panacea to reconcile religious harmony seems insufficient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Musharraf formula refers to the resolution formula of the Kashmir conflict which was reportedly agreed upon during the one-to-one backchannel dialogue between Mr. Tariq Aziz, the former civil servant and close aide of the then President of Pakistan, General Pervez Musharraf and Mr.Satinder Lambah, a special envoy of the Prime Minister of India. We now know some of the details of this formula from the article of the American journalist, Steve Coll which he had published in New Yorker in March 2009 and the book of Mr.Khursheed Mahmud Kasuri, ‘Neither a Hawk nor a Dove’ which was published in 2015. Prior to this Mr.Musharraf and Mr.Kasuri had already claimed in their TV interviews and press talks that by March 2007 India and Pakistan were very close to resolving the Kashmir conflict. This paper takes the details of that non-paper agreement and tries to study what exactly that agreement holds for the future resolution of the Kashmir conflict. The basic understanding is whenever the Pakistani and the Indian governments will take up the negotiations on the Kashmir conflict in future, this agreement is bound to come up in the talks as a starting reference point. Therefore, it is necessary to carefully look at this agreement and discuss what it entails for the resolution of the Kashmir conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India has altered its military stratagem under the Modi government from nuclear deterrence to offensive defence. The constant use of offensive defence in the milieu of deliberate political aggression against Pakistan and victimization of the Muslim community in India is making Indian military doctrine a hostage of hyper-nationalistic politics of Hindutva. Since its rise to power, the BJP government has conflated anti- Muslim and anti-Pakistan approaches. Pakistan remains a crucial factor in its domestic, diplomatic, and foreign policy rhetoric. The internal discord and surge of violence against the Muslim population, as evident by 2020-riots in north-eastern New Delhi, are indicative of vigorous reforming of the national identity of India dominated by Hindutva ideology. Therefore, this paper addresses Hindu nationalism, which arose as a political ideology and caused an insecure environment for Indian Muslims while becoming precarious for Pakistan. It infers that Hindu nationalism, along with its assimilation approach towards minorities, is gradually asserting exclusionary conception of a state where cultural and political centrality of Hindutva has become a core theme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ideology and cinematic representation are crucially linked even though a film's positioning of itself with respect to dominant state ideology may differ thus contesting the idea that films always serve as ideological state apparatus. In this context, the paper reflects on the complex ways in which the ideological positioning – advertently or inadvertently – of cinematic representations of Partition in Hindi films of the 2000s interacts with dominant state ideology to frame the relationship between self and other with the terms denoting India/Hindu and Pakistan/Muslim, respectively. Through an analysis of the representation of the India–Pakistan border in four films – Pinjar (2003), Veer-Zaara (2004), Uri: The Surgical Strike (2019) and Kya Dilli Kya Lahore (2014) – the paper argues that mainstream Hindi films are largely reflective of the state ideology, although to varying degrees and at times in spite of themselves. In contrast, a low-budget film as Kya Dilli Kya Lahore completely subverts the dominant ideology through its sensitive but incisive critique of the border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyse the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on religious tourism in the Kartarpur Gurdwara Corridor between the Punjab States of Pakistan and India. The corridor was opened as a peace building initiative 72 years after the partition of India-Pakistan. In November 2019, thousands of Sikh pilgrims visited Kartarpur and Nankana Sahib in Punjab to celebrate the 550th birth anniversary of the founder of the Sikh religion Guru Nanakji, where he spent last 19 years of his life. The Government of Pakistan invested heavily to build the infrastructure facilities for connecting both borders for religious tourism. The two phases of development of Kartarpur created economic opportunities for the growth of bilateral trade, religious tourism, diplomacy, and peaceful relationships. However, the COVID-19 based travel lockdown caused devastating economic impacts on the Kartarpur religious tourism site and related businesses just four months after its opening. This paper highlights the importance of Kartarpur religious tourism and the devastating economic impact from COVID-19 on the niche spiritual tourism-based economy, employment, marketing, and peace associated with Kartarpur. Qualitative content analysis was adopted using quotes from internet sources to reach findings. Some opportunities are highlighted for a better understanding of global health issues, unified efforts to fight the pandemic and mutual support for spiritual tourism development among Indians and Pakistanis. Policy implications suggest that post-COVID-19, public-private partnership is needed to cooperatively plan, develop, and promote religious tourism, build awareness, and cooperate for common resource management for economic benefits. COVID-19 could be a cooperative stimulus for peaceful change through bilateral trade, travel, and tourism plans, based on responsible cross-border tourism for India and Pakistan; to create a mutually beneficial South-Asian economic success story. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kargil conflict is categorised as a "staircase nuclear conflict." According to the literature, in such conflicts, the incentives for the first use of nuclear weapons are present. The Kargil conflict, along with the Cuban Missile Crisis between the US and the USSR and the 1969 Sino-Soviet border clash, are taken as the only incidents when two nuclear states fought each other since the advent of nuclear weapons. Contrary to the generally held belief, this paper argues that Kargil was not a nuclear conflict. This paper will raise some questions about the categorisation of Kargil as a nuclear conflict. Prime amongst them: what was the level of readiness and operationalisation of Pakistan's nuclear weapons at the time of the Kargil operation? The paper argues that Kargil occurred too soon after the nuclearisation of India and Pakistan and that because it occurred one-year post-Indo-Pakistan nuclear tests should not elevate it to be a nuclear conflict. The paper further argues that there is a need for more rigorous analysis to work out criteria for how, when and why a conflict should be categorised and analysed as a nuclear conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of political narratives in the making of a conflict and its resolution. India-Pakistan rivalry has persisted far too long now. It has been one of the most protracted and intractable conflicts. Furthermore, this paper develops a linkage between the distorted narratives and intractability of a conflict. Intermittent military engagement has sowed the seeds of mutual distrust between India and Pakistan. Nevertheless, the lamentable part is that the rivalry has been accentuated by distorting the narratives. Narrative is a very powerful force in the realm of international political arena. It is strong enough to change the trajectory of any relationship that exists in international system. It is notable that the distorted narratives are very much useful for the ruling elite to divert the attention of the masses from the pressing demands such as employment, education, decent standard of living so on and so forth. Political narratives in Pakistan against India still breed fear psychosis in the civil society of Pakistan. Among these, one has been that India has not accepted the partition of Pakistan as a reality and would try to undo the partition eventually. In the light of the above-mentioned correlation between distorted political narratives and sustainability of the conflict, this paper dwells on how the deconstruction of the political narratives (which portray false political realities) is quintessential to understand the practical details of the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The flawed and awfully-crafted Partition Formula applied by the British in the Subcontinent (in 1947) sowed the seeds of conflict between India and Pakistan while leaving the State of Jammu and Kashmir in gloominess. Consequently, both countries soon indulged in an armed conflict known as the 'Kashmir Conflict' due to which this whole region has remained volatile and subjected to instability. India's illegal occupation of Muslim-majority areas of Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK), a complete denial of the Right of Self-determination to innocent Kashmiris (a clear violation of the UNSC resolutions), and the abolition of Kashmiris' Special Status through hasty constitutional amendments (a clear reflection of Hindutva mindset) indicate afresh rise to indigenous struggle in IIOJK. For that matter, India is cunningly engaged in false propaganda campaigns against Pakistan, in which it blames Pakistan for providing support to Kashmiri freedom fighters. India's irresponsible State-behaviour is quite evident from recent occurrences like Pulwama incident and release of Indian pilot, Wing Commander Abhinandan Virthaman, by Pakistan. In such a tense regional setting, this paper examines the historical aspect of the Kashmir conflict while discussing different related issues between Pakistan and India by using the Nugget Model. This conflict-analysis tool helps an indepth understanding of the Kashmir conflict and leads to identify root causes that are accelerating the conflict day-by-day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In World and particularly in South Asia, violent extremism is associated with Muslims only. Quite the reverse, the Hindu extremism or Saffron terror in India is easily ignored. Bharatya Janata Party (BJP)’s rule under Narendra Modi for the second time has unleashed the political face of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Hindu fundamentalism. This paper examines historical development of RSS led Hindutva in relation to broader sociopolitical dynamics. It also attempts to provide an alternative point of view by concentrating on the rise of Hindutva and how its consolidation of political power in India has an impact on social development of South Asian people. First and foremost, the paper establishes Hindutva terrorism as a legitimate threat to regional political environment and people living in it. . Due to the fact that antiMuslim and anti-Pakistan sentiments are at the heart of Saffron terror, Pakistan must take counter- measures and raise awareness among regional and international leaders about the increasing influence of Hindu fanatics in the Indian society. Ultimately, the paper concludes that Hindutva violence and politics in nuclear-armed India is becoming permanent, and as a result, it will remain to have a significant influence on South Asian societies in the foreseeable future. In order to study and analyze this subject, both the qualitative and quantitative research techniques - including interviews and statistical charts - have been used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As India and Pakistan embark on developing more warheads, they will require more sophisticated delivery systems to the assigned targets. Since nuclear weapons tests in May 1998 just twenty-four years ago, the South Asian strategic environment has significantly changed. Both India and Pakistan strive for successful completion of their triad deterrent forces with all ranges of delivery systems. This paper explores the changing deterrent force patterns in South Asia and conceptualizes competing counterforce strategies in order to find out how such strategies raise the prospects of serious conflicts between India and Pakistan in general and challenge the South Asian deterrence stability in particular. To this end, the paper concludes that if India and Pakistan convert most of their deterrent nuclear forces while being ready to be deployed for action, the prospects for miscalculation and inadvertence get higher. However, if these South Asian nuclear rivals largely practice nuclear restraint, non-weaponized deterrence, and prevent a bigger Cold War type arms race through the establishment of some form of strategic restraint regime, then the possibility of nuclear conflict gets lower and serious conflicts in turn could likely be prevented in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan and India are at war since their inception and independence: literally and verbally. It is the latter that most often leads to the former according to Pearce and Cronen's communication theory Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). This paper studies the repetitive and destructive patterns of communication between Pakistan and India, especially on important occasions such as their independence days' celebrations. The warring tones and armed conversation across the borders have aggravated the political tension between the two nuclear neighbours. The paper concludes that by applying CMM's principles of dialogic and cosmopolitan communication, the two hostile states can avert the imminent danger of a nuclear war, and can achieve a peaceful and friendly coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper looks at the sources and trajectory of the conflicts between India and Pakistan which have colonial and post-colonial elements. The paper identifies religious identity, partition, border disputes, and Pakistan's quest for symmetry with India through various arrangements as the primary causes of the India-Pakistan conflict. The paper also talks about various governmental and non-governmental reconciliation attempts between the two countries in the last seven decades. Although these reconciliation attempts have not been very successful, they have maintained some minimal exchange between the two countries. Finally, the paper analyzes the causes of the prolongation of the India and Pakistan conflict by enumerating various spoilers in the process. These spoilers have been the domestic politics of India and Pakistan, terrorist groups operating from Pakistan, the domestic political power structure of Pakistan, and the rise of Hindu nationalism in India along with economic backwardness. Finally, the paper concludes that the prospect for peace between the two countries in the short-term appears improbable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A terrorist attack on the Indian parliament on 13 December, 2001 resulted in a ten-month long military stand-off between India and Pakistan. Throughout this period, both sides conducted aggressive and provocative signalling by conducting missile tests, and through bellicose speeches, statements and press briefings. These signals were conveyed at various levels by the political, military, and bureaucratic leadership. This paper provides a theoretical framework about signalling, deterrence stability and the escalation risk grounded in the classical understanding on nuclear deterrence and escalation. The paper analyses the nuclear signalling during the stand-off in light of the theoretical framework. The paper tests the hypothesis that a high percentage of indirect signalling would induce instability into a nuclear crisis, and the large number of actors sending signals from either side would increase the likelihood of miscommunication. By sifting through media reports during the stand-off, an elimination exerci e was conducted and 72 signals were identified and analysed. The paper is divided into five sections and points to the limitation of the Cold War model to explain the South Asian strategic stability dynamics and the need to work out a model specific to South Asian strategic dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]