Search

Little is known about use of early interventions for autism spectrum disorder in Europe. Parents of children with autism spectrum disorder aged 7?years or younger (N?=?1680) were recruited through parent organisations in 18 European countries and completed an online survey about the interventions their child received. There was considerable variation in use of interventions, and in some countries more than 20% of children received no intervention at all. The most frequently reported interventions were speech and language therapy (64%) and behavioural, developmental and relationship-based interventions (55%). In some parts of Europe, use of behavioural, developmental and relationship-based interventions was associated with higher parental educational level and time passed since diagnosis, rather than with child characteristics. These findings highlight the need to monitor use of intervention for children with autism spectrum disorder in Europe in order to contrast inequalities.

When we speak of the new architecture of Central and Southeastern Europe after World War I, it is imperative to make the distinction between factual and legal realities. Actually, the entire old order of the region collapsed in the year 1918, when four empires fell (German, Austro-Hungarian, Russian, and Ottoman) and new states were formed, or others were completed according to ethnic and national criteria. The cause of this huge change was, undoubtedly, the peoples' fight for national emancipation, initiated in the 18th century and culminating in the "century of nationalities" and in the 1900s. Obviously, the Treaty of Trianon has its international and national importance which is difficult to estimate and impossible to minimize: it legitimized the just will of the Romanian people and consecrated a valuable legacy at international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In early March 1462, Pius II did a highly uncommon gesture for a powerful and experienced politician: he made an open and sincere admission to the Milanese ambassador in Rome, the astute Otto de carretto. It is in the pages of this undeniable confession of the pope (a confession initiated by the pope himself) that Matthias corvinus, son of John Hunyadi, was mentioned for the first time as King of Hungary and Dacia. Dacia may have been a backup plan for Matthias, in case he irretrievably lost the Holy crown of Hungary (held by the Roman-German emperor Frederick III of Habsburg until the end of 1463). On the other hand, Matthias’ Dacia could have emerged from the bloody ambitions of John Hunyadi and Vlad II Dracul, the parents of Matthias corvinus and Vlad III the Impaler. unquestionably, in the Middle Ages (chiefly in the 13th and 14th centuries), on the political and confessional levels, Dacia was employed foremost to designate the Kingdom of Denmark (due to a historical-geographical confusion beyond the scope of this paper). still, the northern territory was also correctly referred to in contemporary sources as Dania. In the second half of the 15th century, the situation began to significantly change as the name Dacia returned to the Lower Danube area, the only region where the Roman empire had founded a province (and later several) by this name. In the spring of 1462, the Kingdom of Dacia north of the Danube was undoubtedly an european reality for the Papacy and for the Duchy of Milan. It was a reality particularly for Pope Pius II, a great admirer of John Hunyadi, and also for the Milanese duke Francesco sforza, who had done his apprenticeship as a condottiere alongside John, the son of Voicu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we examined loneliness and hope components as predictors of unhappy conditions (viz., anxious symptoms, depressive symptoms, & suicidal ideation) in young adults. The sample was comprised of 489 Hungarian college students. Results of conducting hierarchical regression analyses indicated that loneliness and hope pathways (but not hope agency) were important unique predictors of anxious symptoms, depressive symptoms, and suicidal ideation. Moreover, in part, consistent with the notion that hope might buffer the negative effects of loneliness on unhappy conditions, evidence for a significant Loneliness × Hope Pathways interaction effect in predicting each of the three indices of unhappy conditions was found. In contrast, the Loneliness × Hope Agency interaction effect was not found to be significant. Some implications of the present findings for the study and treatment of unhappy conditions in adults are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the issues of cultural identity and aesthetic specificity, as manifested in cinemamaking practices of the Romanian and Hungarian recent films. The main questions are if the Romanian film makers tell different stories from their neighboring colleagues, or if the contemporary movies are showing similarities, which allows us to describe related tropes and even shared imaginaries. This paper is discussing those Romanian and Hungarian films and directors that had a major impact, using authors like like Cristi Puiu, Cristian Mungiu or Radu Jude and their counterparts in the region like Károly Ujj Mészáros, Kornel Mundruczo or Nemes László. The author raises the problem of a possible and impossible cinematic dialogue between these two cinema cultures by asking if we can talk about an East European cinema style, or can we identify a shared film tradition of regional cinemas (when it comes to Romania and Hungary) and if there is a larger trend that influences the cinematic expression. Another aspect would be the discussion of cultural strategies in the two countries, and how did these impact the development of their particular film industry, film consumption and film reception. In the same time, the EU integration of the two countries has created similar problems, with dissimilar solutions, as the cultural similarities and the transition from a homogenized cinema of the Socialist era lead to transformations that have influenced separately the two cultural environments. Finally the problem is if there can be a "Romanian style" of making movies opposed to a "Hungarian way" to film art, or if contemporary Hungarian and Romanian cinemas are part of a European mode of representation?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 1462 marked a turning point in the history of Wallachia, and its repercussions were felt not only in the area of the Danube and of the Carpathians, but also in Hungary and in Western Europe. The Ottomans tried to strike a final blow against Wallachia with the help of an impressive army, roughly 100,000 strong and supported by a fleet of 25 galleons and 150 smaller vessels. In the summer and early autumn of 1462, authentic and verified news regarding the consequences of the sultan's campaign in Wallachia reached Milan, usually via Venice and originally coming from Constantinople and the Levant in general. While some elements may have differed, all reports agreed on the fact that the Ottoman army led by the conqueror of Constantinople returned in disgrace to its base south of the Danube. These sources indicate that, while the general outcome of the sultan's campaign north of the Danube did not prevent the reign of Vlad the Impaler from coming to an end, the actual expedition failed to achieve its original military and political goals, as Wallachia managed to remain a free Christian state, paying an annual tribute to the sultan but avoiding an Ottoman occupation and remaining outside the actual borders of the Ottoman Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Historia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During its whole medieval existence, Hungary preserved its heterogeneous structure, in spite of the homogenizing policy promoted especially by the Angevins. In recent papers it is estimated that around A.D. 1500 Hungary had 4 million inhabitants, which we deem slightly exaggerated. But let us nevertheless admit that the number is real. At the time of their invasion Pannonia, the Hungarians must have amounted to about 100,000-120,000 people. If at the end of the Middle Ages the kingdom had 4 million inhabitants, of which more than 3 million were Magyars, as claimed of late, it means that the Magyar population grew about 30 times in about half a millennium, something happened nowhere in Europe at that time. It follows that both the demographic data (scarce as they are) and the ethno-confessional ones lead us to the conclusion that, without the possibility of specifying the exact number of inhabitants in absolute figures, the proportion of non-Magyars and non-Catholics in medieval Hungary constantly remained more important than that of Magyars and Catholics. Whole provinces, such as Slovakia, Croatia, Dalmatia, Bosnia, Sirmium, Voivodina, Transylvania, Banat, Crişana, Maramureş, the area inhabitded by the Cumans etc., are constantly presented in different sources such as Slavic, Romanian, "schismatic," or "heretical." The towns were, as we have seen, mostly German. It follows that the ethnic and confessional image of medieval Hungary, although modified by the Reformation and then by the Counter reformation, does not differ essentially from the one outlined before the First World War, when the "minorities" officially accounted for more than a half of the entire population. In other words, these "minorities" have always represented a majority, whence the lack of viability of the kingdom that inherited the tradition of the "holy crown" of Saint Stephen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The family of King Matthias Corvinus (1458-1590) has long been the object of complex investigations, but also of historiographical and even political-national disputes. The debate has been structured on several levels, focusing on the ethnic origin of the family, on its place of origin, on the denomination embraced by its members, on the precise identity of the paternal grandmother of Matthias, on other relatives of the Hunyadis, and even on the names they bore. No serious historian would nowadays question the Romanian origin of the family, even if they may rightfully discuss the importance played by this ethnic origin at that time. In Romanian historiography, the name of King Matthias Corvinus has always been a particular and distinct issue, given certain specific circumstances related to the specificity of the Romanian language, the origin of his family, and certain Romanian-Hungarian controversies that emerged together with nationalist doctrines in Central and Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]