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This study investigates how the economic crisis associated with the COVID-19 pandemic impacted support for social assistance in Germany. We formulate our expectations drawing from the classical political economy literature on self-interest and the burgeoning research on the role of solidarity. On the one hand, we hypothesize that only low-income individuals impacted economically by COVID-19, who can benefit from social assistance, will support its expansion. On the other hand, we expect higher-income individuals affected economically by COVID-19 to be more supportive of social assistance, even though they do not benefit from it, and less likely to consider welfare recipients 'undeserving' compared to higher-income individuals not economically affected by the pandemic. We argue that first-hand crisis experiences update people's beliefs about how luck impacts one's economic situation in the presence of an exogenous shock. We combine observational and experimental data from an original survey collected in Germany in April 2021 to test our expectations. On average, low-income respondents appear to be the most vigorous supporters of social assistance, but their support is not conditional on their experience of the COVID-19 pandemic. Instead, we find that the support for more social assistance among affluent individuals depends on the economic impact of the pandemic. We experimentally manipulated the deservingness of welfare recipients and found that better-off respondents impacted by the pandemic were less likely to penalize even the most 'undeserving' welfare beneficiaries. We suggest that solidarity between classes in hard times may occur through a convergence of the deservingness perception among individuals. The article has broader implications for studying the effect of crises on solidarity and the conditional nature of class-based explanations for support for different welfare policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Recent studies point to a progressive politicization of the European Union, after years of being considered a project of the political elites that received little attention from European citizens. The aim of this article is to find evidence of the progress in the process of politicization of the European project. For this purpose, an analysis of all the tweets published during the 2019 election campaign by all political parties in Germany, France, Italy and Spain has been carried out. The topics addressed and the number of parties speaking on those topics are studied, in order to trace two of the elements necessary to consider an issue politicized: its visibility and the diversity of voices. The article addresses an issue that has been the subject of previous research using a new methodology and at a particularly relevant moment in history; the first elections held after Brexit. The research provides results that can be interpreted as evidence of a growing politicization of EU policy on issues such as climate or social policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the association of German attitudes toward social welfare and immigration, and how regional and political factors affect that relationship. The data was retrieved from Round 8 of the European Social Survey, which includes 2,852 German participants. Quantitative methodology was used to study the hypotheses. Analyses demonstrate that attitudes on immigration and social welfare are associated. However, the regional factor of Eastern and Western Germany and political self-placement shape the population concerning the relationship between social welfare and immigration. The immigration issue diverges the views of both the leftists and Western Germans to social welfare more than the rightists and Eastern Germans. In this respect, the immigration issue shapes the view of the German welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der Artikel untersucht die Bedeutung der sogenannten Legal Technologies für die Sozialpolitik und das Sozialrecht in Deutschland. Auf der Basis einer empirischen Untersuchung entwickelt er eine Typologie von Anbietern digitaler Rechtsdienstleistungen und diskutiert ihre Bedeutung sowie die Implikationen für das Politikfeld. Die Hauptthese des Textes lautet, dass neue Geschäftsmodelle für digitale Rechtsdienstleistungen Konzentrationsprozesse befördern, die auch auf anderen Online-Märkten zu beobachten sind. Sie fordern die bisherigen anwaltlichen Strategien der Positionierung und Kooperation heraus und können Zugänge zum Recht so verändern, dass Rückwirkungen auf das Feld der Sozialpolitik zu erwarten sind. This paper deals with the transformation of the market for legal services in Germany which has been fostered by digitalization. Legal technology has opened up a new market for digital legal services which also affects social policy and social law. Based on empirical research, the paper presents a typology of digital legal service providers who challenge established market positions of lawyers in social law. It discusses to what extent the transformation of this market is similar to other internet markets and what might be the implications of this development for social policy and social law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Voluntaris: Journal of Volunteer Services & Civic Engagement / Zeitschrift für Freiwilligendienste und Zivilgesellschaftliches Engagement is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Employment re-entry opportunities decrease with age. For middle-aged welfare benefit recipients, employment obstacles connected to age exacerbate further disadvantages connected to welfare receipt. At the same time, there is considerable diversity in middle-aged welfare benefit recipients' long-term employment trajectories, which has thus far received little attention. Policies aim to increase labour market participation at higher ages. To this end, it is important to understand specific difficulties and to be realistic when formulating goals for people with very diverse types of employment histories. Using large-scale register data, this paper's focus is on a cohort aged 45-54 in August 2012 in Germany. Sequence analysis aids in identifying characteristics relevant to employment histories over the past 19 years, from January 1993 to July 2012. Subsequent employment outcomes over the time span September 2012 to December 2018 are investigated, differentiating between jobs of different quality, and effects of training programmes on these outcomes are analysed using entropy balancing methods. Findings are that middle-aged welfare recipients' employment biographies are very diverse, ranging from very little employment experience, over long histories of intermittent employment, to long continuous employment histories. Employment history attributes significantly affect employment prospects. The analyses further show that it is not too late to invest in skills, independent of employment history type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: In the context of a care crisis in Germany, care work done by volunteers is increasingly being semi-formalized by the state and used in professional care work contexts to relieve families and professionals. However, voluntary care has not yet been adequately studied from a care-specific perspective. This study examines in what way voluntary care can be considered decent care from a care-ethical and empirical perspective. Design/methodology/approach: Considering findings of a qualitative interview study, the study examines the special features of voluntary care, addresses its socio-political expansion, and asks about the decency of voluntary care in elder care and social work. Findings: Care work done by volunteers is a special kind of care work, which has advantages but also disadvantages regarding care-ethical requirements of decent care. The study examines under which conditions voluntary care violates these requirements and how this can be countered in socio-political terms. Originality/value: Voluntary care is an under-researched phenomenon despite its increasing socio-political importance. While its state-led expansion can informalize and deprofessionalize care work at the expense of users, professionals, and volunteers, its analysis can help to illuminate the preconditions for decent care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how mothers' and fathers' daily time use changed across social classes from 1990 to 2013 in Germany. In the 2000s, Germany's adherence to the male breadwinner model was eroded by labor and family policy reforms typical of the adult worker model, which assumes individual self-sufficiency. The implications for gender and class inequality have been heatedly discussed. Drawing on the German Time Use Survey, I find that gender equality in the division of labor is greatest among full-time dual-earner couples with standard schedules. The prevalence of this pattern increased among the middle- and upper-class in historically conservative western Germany, but declined across classes in formerly socialist eastern Germany. In parallel, nonstandard work patterns and dual-joblessness gained in importance among lower-class couples, particularly in eastern Germany. I conclude that the adult worker model benefited mothers with access to standard full-time jobs but at the cost of greater class polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Active social and employment services are a crucial infrastructure of the welfare state. As these services are designed to help people in need of support to overcome periods of insecurity in their life course, their effective provision has also been seen as an element of the implementation of the social investment (SI) welfare state. However, the transition to the SI state is linked to numerous preconditions. This is especially true with regard to vulnerable people like the long-term unemployed (LTU). The provision of social services that meet the specific needs of this group requires the actors responsible for implementing social and employment policies to have adequate operative capacities. This article compares Germany and France as two European welfare states that – confronted with persistently high long-term unemployment – have taken different reform paths over the last 20 years that partly run counter to their political-administrative systemic conditions and governance traditions to meet this challenge. Empirically, the article draws on a systematic content analysis of selected policy documents and secondary literature. It is shown that the recent German reform path of combining central steering responsibility with local scope for action can be a way to come closer to a social investment-oriented service policy for the LTU. However, the article also reveals that neither state (yet) has the necessary operative capacities for a shift towards an SI state. Overall, the changes in the understanding of the SI paradigm and the welfare state's constant reluctance to invest in implementation capacity make its sustainable application unlikely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Social investment' as an idea to justify social policy reforms has become more and more accepted in recent years and has decisively shaped agenda setting and policy formulation in European welfare states. The effectiveness of this new welfare state model, however, depends highly on the capacity to provide social services. Social services – job training, counselling and support for care work – are a key component of the social investment model. Drawing on the policy capacity approach, the article provides an analytical framework to study the 'operational core' of the social investment state. This implementation perspective allows us to assess whether governance actors actually have the resources to fulfil the social investment idea of enhancing citizens' freedom to act. Empirically, the article concentrates on two selected European welfare states, Germany and France, countries with similar welfare systems but very different politico-administrative systems, and on two fields of social service provision that are addressed differently in the social investment debate: early childhood education and care (ECEC) and elderly care. Empirically, we use systematic content analysis to intensively study policy documents and secondary analyses. We show that both countries (still) lack policy capacities in these two sectors as a basis for resilient implementation of the social investment paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Sozialer Fortschritt is the property of Duncker & Humblot GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of WISTA Wirtschaft und Statistik is the property of Statistisches Bundesamt and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The reform capacity of welfare states to adapt to the needs of post-industrial labour markets has been a key question of the welfare literature for the last two decades. In a context of austerity, such adaptations (retrenchment or recalibration) are notoriously difficult because of extremely high levels of support for existing policies, particularly old age pensions. We investigate how the recent economic shock caused by the COVID-pandemic has changed social policy preferences in three West European countries (Germany, Sweden, Spain). Relying on original panel data observing the relative support for social policies before and during the crisis, we show that support for old age pensions has dropped substantially relative to other social policies. This drop can be observed in all three countries and among all ideological and age groups. The drop is strongest among current and soon-to-be pensioners who in turn increased support for benefits to the working-age population. At the expense of pensions, the economic shock has especially boosted support for active labour market policies and (in Germany) childcare services. This shift of support from pensions to social investment policies might have opened up a window of opportunity for recalibrating welfare reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To explain single-mother poverty, existing research has either emphasized individualistic, or contextual explanations. Building on the prevalences and penalties framework (Brady et al. 2017), we advance the literature on single-mother poverty in three aspects: First, we extend the framework to incorporate heterogeneity among single mothers across countries and over time. Second, we apply this extended framework to Germany, the United Kingdom and Sweden, whose trends in single-mother poverty (1990–2014) challenge ideal-typical examples of welfare state regimes. Third, using decomposition analyses, we demonstrate variation across countries in the relative importance of prevalences and penalties to explain time trends in single-mother poverty. Our findings support critiques of static welfare regime typologies, which are unable to account for policy change and poverty trends of single mothers. We conclude that we need to understand the combinations of changes in single mothers' social compositions and social policy contexts, if we want to explain time trends in single-mother poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Animal Welfare Movement, among other things, aims to change animal welfare policies. Why certain animal welfare campaigns have been more successful than others remains unclear. This article examines the course of such policy changes in animal welfare based on the 1986 ban on dog slaughter in Germany. It answers the research question: 'How can we explain the influence of the animal welfare movement on policy change regarding the ban on dog slaughter?' This article analyses the case of a long-delayed policy change, although the demand had received broad public and political support. Drawing on social movement studies, this article proposes that the delay is due to framing errors on the part of the animal welfare movement and argues that policy change could only take place through the help of allies in the field of politics. Using the process-tracing method, over 1,000 pages of policy documents and other relevant documents were analysed. The results show that the dog slaughter ban was delayed because policy makers feared that a morally motivated ban could be extended to other animal species. Only frame bridging with public health discourse by actors from the field of politics was able to overcome this barrier. This article contributes to social movement studies by analysing a case of frame bridging triggered by movement allies, thereby deepening our understanding of the relevance of the wider cultural environment of a contested policy and of interactions between movements and allies in policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sweden and Germany are often compared, which suggests that much can be learned from each country. One aspect that needs further investigation concerns support for young victims of crime. The study therefore compares the Swedish and German welfare systems' handling of young victims who need support after victimization, to see what can be learned from each respective country. The comparisons make it clear that both countries' support systems developed out of similar social movements in the 1970s. However, there are differences between the two welfare states' approaches to supporting young people. The reasons for the similarities and differences are discussed, along with practical implications for social policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Loneliness is a relatively new topic in the field of health and social policy. A pivotal requirement for the formulation of effective policies addressing loneliness in Germany lies in the access to comprehensive, longitudinal data.In 2024, the first "Loneliness Barometer" was conducted by the Loneliness Network Germany (KNE) at the Institute for Social Work and Social Pedagogy e. V. (ISS e. V.) on behalf of the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth (BMFSFJ). It is a report on the long-term development of loneliness within the German population (18 years and older), for which representative data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP, 1992-2021) were analysed. The loneliness barometer is also intended to provide evidence-based statements on the long-term development of loneliness burdens in Germany in the future.This article provides an insight into the decisions made in the development of the Loneliness Barometer methodology and presents selected key findings from the first Loneliness Barometer. Leveraging data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP), the Loneliness Barometer underscores the multifaceted disparities faced by individuals grappling with heightened loneliness levels. These disparities manifest across various domains: diminished health outcomes, constrained social and financial resources encompassing education and employment, reduced economic participation, curtailed political engagement and heightened scepticism towards democratic institutions. The article concludes with considerations of the limitations and future development possibilities of the Loneliness Barometer., (© 2024. Springer-Verlag GmbH Deutschland, ein Teil von Springer Nature.)

The conference report "Food for special medical purposes" deals with the legal aspects of foods used for specific medical purposes. It is stated that a product can only be classified as food for special medical purposes if it meets an increased or specific nutritional requirement caused by the product. Products containing bacterial cultures may not be advertised as such foods. The report also discusses access to the healthcare system in Germany and the efforts of the legislature to improve navigation within the healthcare system. A conference of the Institute for European Health Policy and Social Law has addressed this topic and discussed various models for improving access. [Extracted from the article]

Industrialised economies are experiencing a decline in mortality alongside low fertility rates - a situation that puts social security systems under severe pressure. Population ageing is associated not only with longer periods of pension claims but also smaller cohorts eventually entering the labour market. This threatens the sustainability of pay-as-you-go social security systems for implementing or further improving appropriate reform measures; adequate forecasts of the future population structure are needed. We propose a probabilistic approach to forecast the number of pensions in Germany up to 2040. Our model considers trends in population development, labour force participation, and early retirement, as well as the effects of pension reforms. Principal component analysis is used to manage the high degree of complexity involved in forecasting trends in old-age and disability pension claims, which arises because of cross-correlations between old-age and disability pension rates, different age groups, and gender. Time series methods enable the inclusion of autocorrelations of the pension rate time series in the model. Monte Carlo simulation is used to quantify future risk. The latter is an important feature of our model, as the future development of the population and, eventually, the pension claims and the financial burden resulting from those claims, are highly stochastic. The model predicts that, in the median trajectory, the number of old-age pensions will increase by almost 5 million between 2017 and 2036, alongside increases in the number of disability pensions by 2036. These numbers take account of the increase in legal retirement ages as part of the 2007 pension reform. After the mid-2030s, however, a moderate decrease can be expected. The results show a clear need for further reforms, especially in the medium term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Targeting is an important aim of social policy. Three case studies in this paper reflect typical short-comings in the targeting design of pension reforms. The first case study examines how well work disability and receipt of disability insurance match in Germany. We show that the 2001 reform has not systematically improved target quality. The second case study examines whether the 2014 introduction of a new pathway of early retirement without actuarial adjustments has reached individuals who are less healthy because they have worked a long time in an arduous job. We find that the target population is actually healthier than the comparison group. Third, a much discussed supplemental pension benefit for households in the risk of poverty will miss its target population in both relevant directions: Regarding the first, 23% of those pensioners who are not eligible are nevertheless poor in the sense of the new law. Regarding the other direction, 21% of the eligible pensioners belong to the wealthier half of German pensioners. Since similar reforms are currently debated in many European countries, the three German case studies may serve as examples of how to better target public pension policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Germany, free collective bargaining was introduced after the GreatWar in November 1918. Tough, it has constitutional status, we can observe that the state monitors and sometimes steers the collective bargaining process. This can be explained by using the Principal Agent Model as an analytical framework. The state acts like a principal, whereas the social partners behave like agents. Whilst the state leaves the regulation of wages and working conditions to social partners, it expects their loyalty in return. In this sense, collective bargaining autonomy must legitimise itself by being useful. The analysis of historical debates since 1918 shows: If social partners fail to contribute to the economic and social policy goals of the state, the state uses various steering instruments to restore their loyalty. Overall, we can observe some learning processes and path dependence of the institutional setting. Furthermore, the state should keep in mind that future steering of collective bargaining autonomy should strengthen social partners' responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'social pedagogy' was coined in Germany, a country which also provided fertile ground for the early development of social work. This article reconstructs the evolution of the two disciplines, which existed alongside one another for much of the twentieth century. It starts with their identities at the time of their early emergence, and then focuses on two formative periods: the early twentieth century, when both disciplines were in the nascent stages of independent development; and the late twentieth century, when they appeared to be in a state of amalgamation. In the course of this examination, Hämäläinen's recent suggestion that social pedagogy can be regarded as a science, as a profession and in terms of its education is investigated. So too is Lorenz's framework for considering a nation's social professions in terms of social policy, civil society and academic discourse elements. Those academic discourses tied to the identity of the two professions offer an opportunity to pin down the slippery German concept of social pedagogy, demarcate it from social work and consider the path dependencies of each profession. This is carried out with particular reference to the early figures who shaped the disciplines, specifically Paul Natorp, Herman Nohl and Alice Salomon. The case of Germany reveals not only few uncontested definitions of the two professions, but also a clear formal separation for much of the twentieth century, which is best understood by considering historical, not contemporary arrangements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a comparative study of the labour market and social policy measures introduced in light of the COVID-19 crisis in Denmark, France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom between March 2020 and January 2021. Its main aim is to understand whether the crisis response has changed the structures of the welfare states concerned. Focusing in particular on the differences regarding the crisis measures taken for individuals in 'standard employment' and 'non-standard workers' in each country, it argues that, although extensive temporary protection instruments were introduced for both groups during the crisis, these did not lead to an immediate convergence as regards these groups' social protection. Rather than changing the underlying structures of welfare systems, many of the measures in fact highlighted the specific vulnerabilities of large segments of Europe's labour markets. States have, however, granted social compensation at unprecedented levels, which could result in improved infrastructures and a clearer understanding of the responsibility of the welfare state in future emergencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the policies for migrant economies as part of broader social and labor market in Germany. It points out that the current fragmented and contradictory policy action can be identified as an outcome of former ambiguities and the delegation of responsibilities within a complex governance grid. Accordingly, its focus is on the inter-related dynamics of policy interventions, knowledge production and the impact of migrant agency within cities. The paper gives a condensed overview on theory and background of migrant economies, pointing to de facto barriers that persist until today. It then concentrates on the way labor market policies in respect of migration were framed in public discourse. Its empirical focus is on the web of policies and instruments that have been directed towards migrant entrepreneurship. Here, in-built ambiguities of all actions are identified as a general feature of German labor market policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article scrutinizes citizenship implications in the field of preventive health policy in Germany. While at first glance prevention policies seem fairly uncontroversial, they have intricate links concerning the impact on preventive policies to social citizenship and to the notion of the "good" citizen. I argue that prevention is a future‐oriented permanent task that requires constant alertness and the commitment of responsible citizens to being "ahead of time." Although originally based on the principles of voluntary compliance and self‐responsibility in Germany, preventive policies are likely to become more compulsory in the aftermath of the COVID‐19 pandemic that has, in effect, been a collective crash course on the importance of prevention and its range of policy tools. Under the prevention paradigm, active citizenship requires anticipatory action—that may turn into obedience—due to the imminent danger of assumed health risks. Related Articles in this Special Issue: Barrault‐Stella, Lorenzo, and Thomas Douniès. 2021. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Citizenship as a Tool of Government in Europe." Politics & Policy 49 (4). Haapajärvi, Linda. 2021. "On the Importance of Playing House: Belonging‐Work and the Making of Relational Citizens in Finnish Immigrant Integration Policies." Politics & Policy 49 (4). Mioni, Michele. 2021. "The 'Good Citizen' as 'Respectable Worker:' State, Unemployment, and Social Policy in the United Kingdom and Italy, 1930 to 1950." Politics & Policy 49 (4). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "no means no" model has been applied in Germany since November 10, 2016. Its introduction has considerably extended the scope of criminalized forms of sexual interaction. This Article examines the criminal policy discourse that gave rise to it and the question of whether the new provisions have led to the changes in the practices of criminal prosecution proclaimed in advance. The results will be critically assessed. The new legislation relating to sexual offenses was also shaped on the initiative of groups perceiving themselves as emancipatory, and in the understanding of these groups, the "no means no" provision acts as "progressive" criminalization. Yet, aside from the fact that the associated expectations have hardly been met as of yet, this movement would have to resolve an essential question: Is penal law compatible with a "progressive" social policy they claim to stand for at all, and if so, what conditions does it have to meet? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study analyzes the non-take-up of means-tested benefits among older people in Germany using GSOEP (2010–2015). The results suggest that 6 out of 10 do not claim benefits. To explain non-take-up the study looks at differences between individual living situations and institutionalized normality. The empirical section deals with three dimensions of the living situation: coping with financial hardship, acknowledgment of previous achievements, and temporal dynamics. While coping and temporal dynamics prove to be relevant, the results regarding acknowledgment are mixed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Social protection in Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands share Bismarckian roots. Over time, these welfare states were however in constant flux and incorporated to a greater or lesser extend elements of both the Anglo‐Saxon and Nordic models. While the Netherlands has from the beginning deviated from the Bismarckian model, in recent years this welfare state has undergone important reforms that have made it increasingly evolve into a "Bismarck cum Beveridge" model. Germany and Belgium also witnessed a dual transformation, with retrenched earnings‐related benefits for long‐term unemployed and an increasing number of atypically employed people on the one hand and expanded social security to the so‐called "new social risks" on the other. It is against this changing institutional background that we can understand the similarities and differences in the extent to which these three continental welfare states used traditional social insurance systems to buffer the social and economic consequences of confinement. First, all three countries strengthened to varying degrees social protection systems for the active age population. So conceived, the policy responses were a response to the dual transformation of social protection that took place in recent decades without, however, changing its course. Second, the extent to which continental welfare states made use of existing social insurance schemes seems to be related to the extent to which these welfare states have moved in the Anglo‐Saxon direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The distribution of German household environmental footprints (EnvFs) across income groups is analyzed by using EXIOBASE v3.6 and the consumer expenditure survey of 2013. Expenditure underreporting is corrected by using a novel method, where the expenditures are modeled as truncated normal distribution. The focus lies on carbon (CF) and material (MF) footprints, which for average German households are 9.1 ± 0.4 metric tons CO2e and 10.9 ± 0.6 metric tons material per capita. Although the lowest‐income group has the lowest share of transportation in EnvFs, at 10.4% (CF) and 3.9% (MF), it has the highest share of electricity and utilities in EnvFs, at 39.4% (CF) and 16.7% (MF). In contrast, the highest‐income group has the highest share of transportation in EnvFs, at 20.3% (CF) and 12.4% (MF). The highest‐income group has a higher share of emissions produced overseas (38.6% vs. 34.3%) and imported resource use (69.9% vs. 66.4%) compared to the average households. When substituting 50% of imported goods with domestic ones in a counterfactual scenario, this group only decreases its CF by 2.8% and MF by 5.3%. Although incomes in Germany are distributed more equally (Gini index 0.28), the German household CF is distributed less equally (0.16). A uniform carbon tax across all sectors would be regressive (Suits index −0.13). Hence, a revenue recycling scheme is necessary to alleviate the burden on low‐income households. The overall carbon intensity shows an inverted‐U trend due to the increasing consumption of carbon‐intensive heating for lower‐income groups, indicating a possible rebound effect for these groups. This article met the requirements for a gold – gold JIE data openness badge described at http://jie.click/badges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Means-tested transfer schemes in Europe and elsewhere tend to include not only income tests but also asset tests of various sorts. The role of asset tests in minimum income protection provisions has been extensively researched in the Anglo-Saxon context. Far fewer authors have assessed the role of asset tests on social policy in a continental European context. Although asset tests may be useful in singling out the more deserving of the poor, we know relatively little of their actual impact on eligibility and social outcomes in European welfare states. This paper looks at the prevalence and design of asset tests in European minimum income protection schemes. We distinguish between two main types of asset tests: outright disqualification when assets reach a certain value, versus a more gradual tapering at a fictional rate of return. We then analyse in greater detail how asset tests in Belgium and Germany, as representatives of these two types, affect minimum income protection eligibility and poverty outcomes. We use the EUROMOD microsimulation model on the Household Finance and Consumption Survey data in order to assess the effects of asset tests. This survey was explicitly designed to more realistically reflect assets and capital incomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 2017 German election, the right-wing populist party Alternative for Germany (AfD) did exceptionally well among workers. AfD's electoral success can be attributed to their new focus on social policy, which is inconsistent with the neoliberal programme of the party. They combine social issues with nationalism and advocate privileges for Germans in the distribution of social benefits. This study investigates AfD's new interest in social issues and the programmatic contradictions which accrue from it. It was found that AfD with its ideological incoherence conforms to Luke March's definition for social populist parties. AfD turned to social populism because it makes them more attractive to workers, not because of their genuine interest in social issues. The party now has adopted a strategy of ambivalence, representing neoliberal and social populist positions at the same time; and it can be expected that they will play with this ambiguity in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of Theology / Roczniki Teologiczne is the property of Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL & Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The origins of France and Italy welfare states can be studied using a comparative approach. In fact, both countries' social systems were restructured in the wake of the Great War. Secondly, over time these two countries built two deeply similar social protection systems hinging on the «occupational» model, made up of insurance schemes for specific professions. This essay has essentially two objectives. The first is to understand whether there effectively was a concrete nexus between warfare and welfare in France and Italy and, if so, to what extent. Second, what combination of factors led to the two resulting «occupational» systems of social protection, which were extremely fragmented and divided according to occupation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Industrielle Beziehungen is the property of Rainer Hampp Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lifelong Learning / Celoživotní Vzdělávání is the property of Institute of Lifelong Learning and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to address notions and practices relating to work–life balance for native German scholars and researchers who have migrated from the former Soviet Union (FSU). Issues will be explored from a cultural perspective, identifying culturally based interpretations of work–life balance. Design/methodology/approach: Foregrounded in a diversity approach, this empirical study draws upon explorative interviews to discuss work–life balance in German academia. To overcome monocultural observations, 25 German scholars and 11 researchers originating from the FSU were interviewed, all of whom are highly skilled female scholars. Findings: Findings demonstrate that individuals with diverse cultural backgrounds can perceive huge differences in identical working conditions. The study links meanings of work–life balance with individual practices and identifies key components of work–life balance within this population. It also discusses the decisions that scholars make about starting families or remaining childless for the sake of their careers. Originality/value: This study is the first of its kind in Germany, and represents a strong implication for policies and their evaluation. It identifies the crucial role played by culturally rooted notions relating to work–life balance practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demographic GPV. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In‐work benefits (IWB) have become mainstream social policy programmes in modern welfare states. Aimed at employment promotion as well as poverty reduction, their introduction and expansion have been supported by both centre‐right and centre‐left governments. However, the article argues that policy positions towards IWB are essentially unstable. Political preferences can alter fast, with the same actors advocating IWB growth at one time and containment at another. In part, this is influenced not only by prevailing socio‐economic conditions but also by the institutional shape of IWBs, their interaction with complementary policies, and their inherently ambiguous nature. Characterized by multiple aims, IWBs occasionally offer political opportunities but often create challenges and even confound policymaking. Thus, the understanding of the politics of IWB requires a careful consideration of the particular properties of concrete IWBs and the ways in which they relate to other policy arenas. The article discusses this with reference to relevant debates and reforms in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Trabajo Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social & Economic Revue is the property of Alexander Dubcek University of Trencin, Faculty of Social & Economic Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)