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The National Climate Initiative (NKI) in Germany provides a strong incentive for local governments to apply for funding to engage in climate protection activities. Yet, the latest evaluation of the NKI confirms that there is a great disparity in the distribution of funding across regions. Taking this regional fragmentation as a starting point, we ask the following: How can we explain disparity in the amount of funding across counties and cities? We draw on climate policy literature pointing to the role of socioeconomic and political determinants and the settlement structure to answer this question. We study all 400 cities and counties to test hypotheses concerning disparity in the likelihood and amount of climate funding, using data from the German Ministry for the Environment and further regional statistics. Running different multilevel regression models, we show that local climate funding is more likely in cities and more urbanized counties than in rural counties with less population and oftentimes also with less young and educated people. We argue that despite the increasing number of local governments getting active in climate protection in Germany, there is important unused potential for climate change mitigation in rural counties. Therefore, we conclude by proposing a new research agenda focusing on climate change mitigation in rural areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the rising electoral success of independent local parties in many European countries, empirical evidence about their members is still rare. Therefore, the study aims to answer three questions to reach new insights: Who are these members? Which incentives motivate them to join, and how is intra-party participation structured? Based on a cross-sectional postal survey in Germany, the results show that members of independent local parties and national parties have mostly the same socioeconomic background and thus differ from the average general population. Independent local party members join their organisations mainly to promote an apolitical style of local decision-making and facilitate local democracy. Within independent local parties, different types of participation are present; while some members are fully engaged, others are mainly involved as elected representatives in public office or interested in social exchange. The interplay of membership incentives, civic skills and individual resources explains the variation of intra-party participation, whereby membership incentives are the most powerful explanatory factor. This study shows that independent local parties represent an alternative for those who have joined national parties. Thus, they provide an essential linkage between citizens and the (local) political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public investment spending declined steadily in advanced economies during the last three decades. Germany is a case in point where the aggregate decline coincided with growing inequality in investments across districts. What explains the variation in local investment spending? We assembled a novel data set to investigate the effects of structural constraints and partisanship on German districts' investment spending from 1995 to 2018. We find that the lack of fiscal and administrative capacity significantly influences local investment patterns. Yet, within these constraints, partisanship matters. Conservative politicians tend to prioritize public investment more than the left. This is especially the case when revenues from local taxes are low. As the fiscal conditions improve, left-wing politicians increase investment more strongly and hence the difference between the left and the right disappears. Our findings are indicative of how regional economic divergence can emerge even within cooperative federal systems and show that, even when decision-makers operate under various institutional and structural constraints, partisanship matters for how these actors allocate discretionary spending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: Telemedicine offers additional ways of delivering medical care, e.g., in primary care in rural areas. During the last decades, projects including telemedicine are being implemented worldwide. However, implementation of telemedicine is in some countries, e.g., Germany somewhat slower compared to northern European countries. One important part of successful implementation is to include the citizen perspective. The aims of this study were to explore the perception of representatives of the local government regarding telemedicine in the context of a perceived GP shortage and to tailor future telemedicine offers according to these perceived needs.Methods: Considering the multidisciplinary assessment suggested by the Model for Assessment of Telemedicine a questionnaire with 19 questions was developed by identifying determinants of telemedicine out the literature. After pre-testing, the questionnaire was sent to all 2199 mayors from the federal states of Schleswig-Holstein (North Germany) and Baden-Württemberg (South Germany) as representatives of the citizens (cross- sectional study; full population survey). The final questionnaire contained sections for socio-demographic data, telemedicine and perceived GP shortage. All responses from November 2018 until 2019 were included and analyzed descriptively.Results: The response rate was 32% (N = 699), of which 605 were included in the analysis. A majority of the participants stated they live in a rural area and 46% were in the office for up to 8 years. The mayors had predominantly a positive perception about telemedicine (60%) and 76% of them stated, their community would benefit from telemedicine. A GP shortage was reported by 39% of the participants. The highest risk of telemedicine was seen in misdiagnosing. In case of an emergency situation 291 (45%) of the participants considered data privacy as not as relevant. Mayors from a community with a perceived GP shortage had a more negative perception regarding telemedicine.Conclusion: The acceptance of telemedicine is rapidly rising compared to former studies. Communities with a perceived GP shortage had a more negative perception. Barriers like data security concerns were seen as less important in case of an emergency. The highest risk of telemedicine was seen in misdiagnosing. These findings need to be considered in designing future telemedicine offers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on policy network formation has contributed to an understanding of the patterns of interaction among political actors. Belief homophily, power seeking, and opportunity structures provide explanations studied for specific policy areas. This study tests these established theories in a different environment by asking: What drives policy network formation at the local level? From a review of the literature on policy networks and local politics, the study derives nine hypotheses, which are tested for a German municipality. Information and coordination networks have been collected among its councilors through an online survey. The study identifies the drivers of their formation utilizing exponential random graph models. Findings support the effects of party membership and perceived influence. They also point to the tendency of councilors to coordinate with the mayor and they emphasize local councils as an influential opportunity structure specific to local networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Electricity grids are crucial for the energy transition. Despite its importance for renewable energy, the literature on grid ownership at the local level in Germany lacks up-to-date knowledge. Existing research does not state the extent to which municipalities own distribution system operators (DSOs). Based on a novel dataset on grid operators in 10,800 German municipalities, this paper can provide for the first time an overview of the current ownership of electricity distribution companies. Although the electricity infrastructure is decentralised, ownership remains centralised in the hands of Germany's leading energy companies and concentrated in affluent population centres. • Novel dataset on 10,800 German municipalities' grid operators. • In-depth overview of municipal and non-municipal DSOs in Germany. • Incumbent energy firms continue to lead German DSO market amid grid transition. • Disparities in utility ownership persist between East and West Germany. • Municipal DSOs more common in larger cities and industrial southern Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Croatian & Comparative Public Administration is the property of Institut za Javnu Upravu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the determinants of coalition formation on the local level. In addition to standard office- and policy-seeking variables, we incorporate the local institutional setting and the constraints on local coalition politics emerging from patterns of party competition at the superior level of the political system. We test our expectations on the basis of a dataset providing information on the characteristics of potential and formed coalitions in 29 German cities. The results show that – even on the local level, which is often described as less politicised – not only office-seeking variables but also the ideological positioning of parties are good predictors for local coalition formation in German cities. Additionally, our findings suggest that local political actors take the party affiliation of the directly elected mayor into account when forming coalitions in local councils. The findings imply that political actors on all levels of political systems try to maximise their payoffs and form coalitions accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the "state of the art" of municipal and local politics research in Germany. The main objective is to describe and analyze good practice in German sub-regional politics research and to demonstrate its main distinctive features. The paper provides a general overview of current approaches to sub-regional politics research existing mainly in the framework of political science with strong connections to other disciplines (such as law or sociology) and a strong tendency to form a multidisciplinary approach. Our analysis deals with the following: a description of the main research institutions and distinguished scholars in the field, a discussion of prevailing topics, and a study of the most cited publication outcomes since the year 2000. The paper also examines the main differences between Czech and German research in the field of municipal and local politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the world-wide triumph of democracy, the quest for an optimal politike has not yet reached the “end of history.” It turns out that representative democracies do not necessarily satisfy citizenries. These malaises are regarded as causes for concern and political actors increasingly pin their hopes on participatory innovations as re-legitimizing responses. But do they work? Germany is an especially interesting case for empirical research. Analysis of the variety of participatory innovations utilized at the local level in Germany—often varying considerably among the different Bundesländer—provides preliminary insights. The German case shows overall that participatory innovations have the potential to cure some of the current malaises of representative democracy. Participatory innovations, however, are certainly no fast-track cure. The useful implementation of participatory innovations requires comprehensive consideration, caution, and, (up to now limited) knowledge about possibilities and pitfalls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstracts of articles related to social integration in Berlin, Germany. These include "Social Cities and Social Inclusion: Assessing the Role of Turkish Residents in Building the New Berlin," by Janice Bockmeyer, "From Kreuzberg to Marzahn: New Migrant Communities in Berlin," by Wolfgang Kil, and "The Down Side Dangers in the Social City Program: Contradictory Potentials in German Social Policy," by Peter Marcuse.