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The elections for the German Bundestag on 24 September 2017 saw heavy losses for the two governing parties-the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Social Democratic Party (SPD)-and the rise of the rightpopulist Alternative for Germany (AfD). It took almost six months for a new grand coalition to be formed in light of the extremely fragmented parliament. Despite the good economic situation and relative calm domestically and internationally, much change is occurring under the surface. Most importantly, the country is preparing for the end of Chancellor Angela Merkel's long tenure. Who and what will come next? Can the surging AfD be contained? Will Germany step up into the leadership role for which so many have called? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Observers across Europe and the world were shocked when British voters decided in June 2016 to leave the European Union. Since the Brexit decision, British politics have been in disarray and the government's incoherent negotiation positions have created much economic and political uncertainty. Germans and others have had to formulate policy based on assumptions and predictions. Despite slightly different emphases, all mainstream German parties have endorsed a harder line rejecting British efforts to cherry pick the most desirable aspects of a relationship with the EU. This stance accords with the preferences of European Union actors and the vast majority of member states. Moreover, the likely effects on the German economy will not be catastrophic. Thus, as much as Germans prefer that the UK remain in the EU, there is also little desire to accommodate British demands--and there may even be a sense of relief. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It sometimes seems that Germany is a country perpetually caught in the past. There are so many anniversaries that some sort of tracker is necessary to remember them all. Commemorations in 2019 included the seventieth anniversaries of the foundation of the Federal Republic and the formation of the NATO alliance, the eightieth anniversary of the outbreak of World War II, the 100th anniversaries of the Treaty of Versailles, the foundation of the Weimar Republic, and German women achieving the right to vote. In 2020, important commemorations include the seventy-fifth anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, the 250th anniversaries of Beethoven's and Hegel's birth, as well as the 100th anniversary of the HARIBO company that invented gummi bears. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the author discusses the political prospects of German chancellor Angela Merkel following the September 22, 2013, German parliamentary election.

The article explores the impact of the political history of Germany in crafting its foreign policy. It highlights the association between the efforts to surpass the history of the country and the government decisions and international relations of the country. An overview of how the country has successfully advocated democracy, peace and free markets with a promise to never let war and genocide emanate again is also emphasized.

Germany-watchers and many Germans have long been sour about the unified country. Often for well-founded reasons, there are few policy or cultural areas that have not been subjected to withering criticism: failed integration of immigrants, an antiquated political economy, insufficient coming-to-terms with the past, atrophied parties, or lackluster foreign policy. Nevertheless, the twentieth anniversary of the fall of the Wall and unification is an appropriate moment to pause and reflect on the accomplishments of contemporary Germany—export champion, environmental pioneer, cultural leader, and staunch multilateral European. Despite all of the problems of the last twenty years and the daunting challenges ahead, perhaps Germans can dare some cautious optimism and even a sense of pride. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Federal Republic of Germany—both before and after 1989—has been influenced deeply by collective memories of the Nazi period and the Holocaust, a seemingly "unmasterable past." In a first phase after unification, memory trends, which had their origin in the mid 1980s, continued, but a second period, beginning around the 1999 move of the capital back to Berlin, however, witnessed the erosion of this older trend and the delayed rise of new memory dynamics. Substantively, there have been three vectors of memory concerning Nazi crimes, German suffering, and the period of division, especially regarding the German Democratic Republic. In this article, I outline the major collective memory dynamics and debates, first from a qualitative and then from a more quantitative perspective where I analyze the holdings of the German National Library. I conclude that an intense period of memory work characterized the postunification years, but the peak of concern was reached several years ago and the German future will be much less beholden to the past. Given inevitable normalizing trends and the unintended consequences of the hegemony of Holocaust memory, Germany's difficult historical legacy increasingly appears to be disappearing or even mastered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, collective memories of the Nazi period and the Holocaust have influenced greatly the Federal Republic of Germany. Despite fears that such progressive memories would decline after unification, the last twenty years have witnessed the institutionalisation of this memory regime. More generally, coming to terms with this past has been a constant political and cultural dynamic since 1945, even if the intensity of this process increased after the big debates of the 1980s. The last decade, however, has witnessed the development of a more pluralistic memory regime in the Berlin Republic, with collective memories of the East German dictatorship and, more importantly, the long-dormant memory of German suffering competing with memory of the Holocaust for visibility and influence. This article concludes with some speculation about the future of collective memories in Germany in light of evidence that the phase of intensive memory work may be coming to an end. The long-unmasterable past may be overcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most important developments in the incipient Berlin Republic's memory regime has been the return of the memory of German suffering from the end and aftermath of World War II. Elite discourses about the bombing of German cities, the mass rape of German women by members of the Red Army, and, above all, the expulsion of Germans from then-Eastern Germany and elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe have gained massive visibility in the last decade. Although many voices have lauded these developments as liberating, many others within Germany and especially in Poland—from where the vast majority of Germans were expelled—have reacted with fear. Yet, do these elite voices resonate with mass publics? Have these arguments had demonstrable effects on public opinion? This paper delves into these questions by looking at survey results from both countries. It finds that there has been a disjuncture between the criticisms of elites and average citizens, but that the barrage of elite criticisms leveled at German expellees and their initiatives now may be affecting mass attitudes in all cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses reports published within the issue on German collective memory and national identity, including one by Ruth Wittlinger on Angela Merkel and the focus of Germany on the memory of the Holocaust, another by Alexandra Kaiser on German remembrance days and the politics of memory, and one by Erick Langenbacher on the shift towards a focus on the memory of German suffering.

The author presents his views on the relation of drama to German politics. He relates his conversation with a colleague who was disdainful of German politics. The loss of the Social Democrats in the state election in North Rhine Westphalia in May 2005 is pondered by the author. The article also features politician Angela Merkel as the first female party leader and chancellor in the nation's history.

The article discusses the resurgence of memories of German suffering in German collective memories during the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II, Jewish Holocaust and Nazism in 2005. The discourse would be much enriched due to full access to all witnesses and official documents. The resurgent memory is not filling a vacuum of forgetting, but must compete with an occupied terrain of memory and morality, replete with substantial supporting infrastructure and many defenders. The article examines the kinds of political-cultural implications that follow resurgent German-centered memory and the ethical and policy implications of different outcomes. It also presents interviews with the participants of the Zentrum Debate.

Examines the development of dominant memories of the Federal Republic of Germany. Factors behind shifts of opinions of western Germans on Nazi crimes; Important aspects of the conflict between the advocates of the Holocaust-centered memory and conservatives representing the traditional German-centered positions; Conclusions concerning the resurgence of the German-centered memory.