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This article offers insights into how leadership can be provided to advance the EU policy-making process through a case study of the policy-making for the new EU emissions trading system for buildings, road transport and additional sectors (ETS-2). Conceptually, it contributes to the literature on leadership in the EU by developing a three-part framework for observing leadership in EU policy-making, focussing on the intentions of an actor, the effects of the actions of an actor and the perceptions of other actors. The article also contributes to the literature on interactions between leaders in EU policy-making. Empirically, we provide a process tracing analysis of leadership in the policy-making process for the ETS-2. Using our framework, we examine five key leadership moments, showing how Denmark provided cognitive leadership, Germany provided exemplary and structural leadership, and the Commission and rotating Presidencies provided cognitive and entrepreneurial leadership. Our empirical analysis shows that various types of leadership were partially simultaneously and partially consecutively provided, with some leaders following up on the leadership strategies of others. We term this dynamic ‘sequential leadership’. Our finding confirms the importance of seeing leadership as a relationship, not just between leaders and followers, but also amongst leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do citizens support or reject climate change mitigation policies? This is not an easy choice: citizens need to support the government in making these decisions, accept potentially radical behavior change, and have altruism across borders and for future generations. A substantial literature argues that political trust facilitates citizen support for these complex policy decisions by mitigating the cost and uncertainty that policies impose on individuals and buttressing support for government intervention. We test whether this is the case with a pre-registered conjoint experiment fielded in Germany in which we vary fundamental aspects of policy design that are related to the cost, uncertainty, and implementation of climate change policies. Contrary to strong theoretical expectations and previous work, we find no difference between those with low and high trust on their support for different policy attributes, assuaging the concern that low and declining trust inhibits climate policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several northern European countries have announced ambitious plans to become carbon neutral already before the year 2050. Recent research has, however, highlighted how potential bottlenecks in raw material and resource availability could significantly delay or hinder wind and solar photovoltaic (PV) expansion and continued biomass usage in parts of Europe. To address this issue, this paper assesses how exposed the national energy and climate plans (NECPs) of Finland, Estonia, Germany, Sweden, and Denmark are to resource limitations and techno-economic risks by reviewing and analysing 2030 NECP targets compared to statistical energy use data in these countries. The results indicate that the NECPs of Denmark and Germany are particularly exposed to risks related to global raw material availability, as Denmark plans to rapidly grow the share of wind and solar PV in electricity generation to 81% and 13% by 2030, respectively, followed by Germany, which outlines a 39% and 16% share of wind and solar PV in its national climate strategy. The NECPs of Finland and Germany are also shown to be vulnerable to limitations in biomass availability, as there is a significant disparity between the projected biomass usage and legally binding European Union (EU) targets for land use, land use change, and forestry (LULUCF) sector emissions in 2030 in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We shed new light on a long-standing question in political science: When confronted with costly policy choices, do citizens form their preferences using material (economic) concerns or other-regarding motivations, such as the distribution of costs, and how are these moderated by political ideology? Using the case of carbon taxation, a widely advocated policy solution to climate change, we conducted survey experiments in Germany and the United States to assess the relative importance of these forms of preferences. The results show that individuals are primarily concerned with how a carbon tax would affect their individual income. There are also important cross-national differences with high-income German respondents being more receptive to redistributive policy design, especially in contrast to high-income Democrats who significantly decrease support for carbon taxation. These findings highlight how the constituencies generated by new policies can significantly alter the distribution of mass support for action on emerging societal problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy support is often measured by asking respondents to evaluate policies linked to an isolated policy goal. However, in real-world settings, policies usually have multiple implications. We study how people react when policies have negative implications for other valued goals, considering both their level of support and the certainty of their choices. Using survey experiment data collected in Germany in 2020 (N = 2233) that measures people's support for climate policies with or without information about negative implications for different societal groups, we find that people decrease their policy support and become less certain about their choices when faced with negative implications for vulnerable groups. This effect is partially moderated by people's climate change concern and their support for government assistance for such groups. We thus contribute to the understanding of people's policy decision-making, with implications for the measurement of public support and the development of effective climate policies. • People decrease their climate policy support and become less certain about their choices when faced with trade-offs. • Their reaction is partially moderated by people's climate change concern and their support for conflicting goals with negative implications for vulnerable groups. • People's support for climate policies is measured with a survey experiment to approximate real-world conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Limiting the global mean temperature increase to 1.5°C requires phasing out fossil fuel combustion almost entirely within the next three decades and replacing carbon-intensive technologies with low-carbon alternatives. Such socio-technical transitions are politically feasible only if public acceptance is sufficiently high. Here we investigate German citizens' views on the phase-out of internal combustion engine vehicles (ICEVs) using a random forest (decision trees) classification and logistic regression model. We surveyed a demographically representative sample (N = 1,663) in 2021, finding that the majority of respondents (67%) approve of an ICEV phase-out by 2040 or hold a neutral stance. Acceptability is best predicted by the degree to which environmental problems are attributed to ICEVs, followed by respondents' willingness to abandon cars altogether or adopt electric vehicles (EVs). Our results further indicate that acceptability can be increased by providing people with information that present EVs in a more favourable, and ICEVs in a less favourable light. When the European Commission proposed to ban the sale of ICEVs by 2035, we conducted a follow-up survey to investigate whether this had influenced acceptability in Germany – with the result that it had not. In terms of concrete policies, pull measures such as public transport or electric vehicle purchase subsidies are preferred by the public over more restrictive policies such as taxes or bans. The findings of this study shed light on different dimensions of public opinion and their important implications for policymaking and the political feasibility of this socio-technical transition. Insights from this research can help policymakers in designing effective yet widely acceptable transport decarbonization policies. Overall, 45% of respondents approve of an ICEV phase-out by 2040, while 34% disapprove. Acceptability is best predicted by the degree to which environmental problems are attributed to ICEVs, as well as respondents' willingness to adopt electric vehicles or give up their cars altogether. Emphasizing the advantages of electric vehicles or the adverse effects of ICEVs increases acceptability, while indicating the inevitability of an eventual phase-out does not. On average, public transport and electric vehicle purchase subsidies enjoy higher levels of public support than taxes or different permutations of ICEV bans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformation of societies and economies towards climate neutrality is a highly complex multi-sectoral and multi-level challenge. This paper examines the multi-level dimension of climate policy with particular reference to the European legal framework and the example of Germany. It analyses how regional and local governments are engaged and whether, in this regard, the existing arrangements of multi-level climate governance can be considered adequate and effective. In the light of the basic principles of federalism theory and in view of the - failed - German multi-level approaches to energy transition it is concluded, in particular, that federal climate governance must build not only on European and national objectives but also on regional and local climate targets and policy planning schemes as a means of both ensuring sufficient transformation efforts and preserving as much autonomy as possible for regional and local communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current crises have highlighted the importance of integrating research, politics and practice to work on solutions for complex social problems. In recent years, policy deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs have increasingly been deployed to mobilise science to produce solutions, help create popular support and guide implementation of policies addressing major public policy problems. Yet, we know little about how these approaches manage to transcend the boundaries between research, politics and practice. By systematically comparing policy deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs, this paper explores their mechanisms of boundary spanning including relationship and trust building, knowledge translation and developing solutions. We situate our analysis in healthcare policy and climate change policy in Germany, two contrasting policy fields that share a perpetual and escalating sense of crisis. Our findings suggest that deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs address different dilemmas of policymaking, namely the idea dilemma, the implementation dilemma and the legitimacy dilemma. All three approaches reduce wicked problems to a manageable scale, by grounding them in local decision-making, reducing their scope or reducing the problem analytically. We argue that despite their ambition to modernise democratic practices, unless they are institutionally well embedded, their effects are likely to be small scale, local and temporary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union and Germany have recently committed themselves to greenhouse-gas neutrality by 2050 and 2045, respectively. This substantially reduces their gaps in ambition to the Paris climate goals. However, the current climate policy mix is not sufficient to reach these targets: There is a major implementation gap. Based on economic, legal, and political science perspectives, this article identifies key obstacles in legislating stringent climate policy instruments and making them effective. Using a simple framework, we map the stage of the process in which the obstacles are at work. Moreover, we discuss the potential effectiveness of a select list of prominent drivers of climate-related regulation in overcoming said obstacles and conclude by pointing towards conditions for closing the implementation gap. In doing so, we focus on the current legislative processes of the "Fit-for-55" package by the European Commission and the 2021 Federal Climate Change Act in Germany. Our analysis builds on the extant literature, and we suggest avenues for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The German Federal Climate Change Act includes binding annual greenhouse gas (GHG) emission targets for the economic sectors energy, industry, buildings, transport, agriculture and waste. For sectors that fail to meet their targets, climate policy measures have to be implemented immediately. However, some sectors may only have achieved their targets thanks to the COVID-19 pandemic, while others may have missed their targets because of COVID-19. For policy making, it is therefore important to disentangle the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic from the effects of policy and other drivers on emissions. In this paper, the effects of the pandemic on GHG emissions in Germany in 2020 are estimated at the national level and at the levels of the economic sectors. Counterfactual emissions are estimated here based on autoregressive econometric models, thereby distinguishing between different factors of emissions based on decomposition analysis. The findings at the national level suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic lowered GHG emissions in 2020 in Germany by about 41 Mt CO2-eq (5.15%) compared to counterfactual emissions. Accordingly, about 58% of the reduction in emissions between 2019 and 2020 in Germany may be attributed to the pandemic. The findings at the sectoral level imply that without the COVID-19 pandemic, all sectors with the exception of the transport sector, would have met their emissions target in 2020 as set in the Federal Climate Change Act. The transport sector would have missed its emission target in 2020 without COVID-19, suggesting that existing policies were not strong enough to bend the curve of emissions trends sufficiently down. In contrast, the buildings sector failed to meet its target in 2020 because of COVID-19, prompting immediate climate policy measures in this sector. The COVID-19 pandemic lowered greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in Germany in 2020 by 5.5% compared to counterfactual emissions and accounted for about 58% of total estimated reductions between 2019 and 2020. Without COVID-19, all sectors but the transport sector would have met their emissions targets. Climate policy response should take into account the effects of extraordinary events like COVID-19 suppressing GHG emissions based on counterfactual emissions because failure to implement measures early on may turn out to be costly in the medium term once the transitory emissions reductions no longer occur. Counterfactual emissions should be considered prior to crediting emissions surplus or deficit to subsequent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate policy is expected to consider the current state of science. As populist radical right parties (PRRP) become elected members of parliaments, they have a greater influence on integration processes between science and politics. The aim of the paper is to show that instead of generally rejecting climate science, PRRPs appeal to 'alternative expertise' and politicize scientific knowledge. With our empirical analysis of public hearings, plenary meetings and press statements discussing Germany's Climate Package between 2018 and 2020, we show that the AfD uses expertise that suits their political interests very selectively and arbitrarily supporting either scientific outsider positions or positions that only pretend to be scientific. We argue that populist strategies weaken trust in scientific expertise by undermining democratic institutions for knowledge integration in climate governance. Therefore, a clear separation between research and politics together with transparent and formal scientific knowledge integration processes are needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU has established the world's first cross-border emission-trading systems (ETS) for greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, currently covering aviation, emission-intensive sectors, and electricity (EITE). The EU Commission has offered to apply emissions trading in new sectors where emissions from maritime transport will be incorporated into the current EU ETS, while a separated emissions trading system will cover emissions from road transport and the building sector. This paper employs a multi-regional multi-sectoral computable general equilibrium (CGE) model with two simultaneous international emission permit markets. After examining the abatement costs for the EU regions, various policy scenarios are implemented to study the welfare effects of forming an ETS covering the sectors other than EITE (NEIT) and its linking with the EITE sectors under two different baselines and four emission reduction targets. The results provide several important insights: (i) Marginal abatement costs in Germany and the Eastern European Union region (EEU) are significantly lower than in the rest of the EU regions. (ii) The carbon price in the emission permit market covering NEIT is significantly higher than the carbon price in the emission permit market covering EITE. (iii) Germany and EEU appear as notable suppliers of emission permits in both markets. (iv) There is a significant aggregate welfare gain under the scenario in which the ETS covering NEIT co-exists parallel with the ETS covering EITE. (v) The aggregate welfare in the EU under the full integration of EITE and NEIT may fall below its value under the scenario with two parallel emission permit markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In Germany, more and more electricity is being generated from renewable energy sources, resulting in an ever greater need for reliable power storage devices. The focus is shifting increasingly towards green hydrogen, which is now a key element of energy policy. The layout of the hydrogen economy is triggering a cascade of developments. Energy-intensive industrial processes are changing, but every innovative technology can only ever be as good as the ceramic materials used in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GAIA: Ecological Perspectives for Science & Society is the property of Oekom Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How do social identities contribute to the formation of coalitions in a policy subsystem? Social identities help to understand the bundling of resources and common strategies for action. Thus, we argue that identification with a group and across groups discursively results in the formulation of shared and competing storylines. As coalitions are characterized by some kind of sameness of their actors which results in shared storylines, we thereby postulate that the link between storylines and social identities provides added value to the explanation of coalition formation. We test whether shared storylines can be traced back to social identities in the different discursive periods of traffic development on a local level in Germany. A media analysis of 110 articles and 14 interviews shows that the assignment of certain group characteristics is discursively confirmed, renegotiated, or rejected. Social identities, therefore, matter for coalition formation. Related Articles: Chang, Katherine T., and Elizabeth A. Koebele. 2020. "What Drives Coalitions' Narrative Strategy? Exploring Policy Narratives around School Choice." Politics & Policy 48 (4): 618‐657. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12367 Shanahan, Elizabeth A., Mark K. McBeth, and Paul L. Hathaway. 2011. "Narrative Policy Framework: The Influence of Media Policy Narrative on Public Opinion." Politics & Policy 39 (3): 373‐400. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00295.x Vercesi, Michelangelo. 2016. "Coalition Politics and Inter‐Party Conflict Management: A Theoretical Framework." Politics & Policy 44 (2): 168‐219. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12154 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to quantify the relation between real GDP, CO2 emissions, renewable and nonrenewable energy consumption, tourism development and labor force for France and Germany as these two countries are pioneer countries pushing Paris agreement within and outside the European Union. The time spans have been used for the period of 1995–2015 according to data availability. In the presence of cross-sectional dependency, several first and second-generation unit root tests confirm the unit root problem while Pedroni and Westernlund confirm the cointegration. Results reveal an inverted U-shape relation between CO2 emissions and real GDP in long run confirming the validity of environmental Kuznets curve for the group of France and Germany. Results declare that renewable energy significantly reduces carbon emissions while nonrenewable energy consumption adds to carbon emissions. Tourism sector was found helpful in carbon reduction that appeals to attract more tourists for the development of sustainable tourism industry by taking energy conservation and emissions reduction in relevant industries in the full consideration. • This paper explores the determinants of carbon emissions for France and Germany. • An inverted U-shape relation was found between carbon emissions and real GDP in long run. • Results reveal renewable energy helps in carbon emissions reduction. • Nonrenewable energy consumption was adding in CO2 emissions. • Tourism sector was found supportive in carbon reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The UK's and Germany's coal phase-out pathways diverge in timing and measures. • Different powers of actor groups contribute to diverging trends in UK and Germany. • Influential German coal corporations and unions slow down coal's decline. • Energy security concerns, domestic mining and economic dependence create resistance. • Reducing the influence incumbents have on policy making might enable coal phase-out. Political decisions and trends regarding coal use for electricity generation developed differently in the UK and Germany, despite being subject to relatively similar climate protection targets and general political and economic conditions. The UK agreed on a coal phase-out by 2024. In Germany, a law schedules a coal phase-out by 2038 at the latest. This paper investigates reasons for the different developments and aims to identify main hurdles and drivers of coal phase-outs by using the Triple Embeddedness Framework. The comparative case study approach reveals that policy outcomes regarding coal consumption are deeply influenced by several actor groups, namely, coal companies, unions, environmental NGOs, and the government. The most discussed aspects of a coal phase-out in both countries are energy security concerns, whether coal is mined domestically, (regional) economic dependence, as well as the relative power of actors with vested interests in coal consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ökonomische Klimapolitik kann effizient und günstig sein, wenn Kostenwahrheit gilt - also alle Kosten, die infolge von CO2-Emissionen entstehen, von den Verursachern getragen werden. Dafür braucht es einen angemessenen CO2-Preis, der die sozialen Kosten von CO2 abbildet, und Steuersenkungen an anderer Stelle. Deutschland könnte etwa die Mehrwert steuersenkung, die im Zuge der COVID-19-Pandemie beschlossen wurde, verstetigen und für den Einnahmeausfall einen entsprechenden CO2-Preis veranschlagen. So könnte das Land zum Vorreiter werden und die globale Klimapolitik prägen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GAIA: Ecological Perspectives for Science & Society is the property of Oekom Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Germany strives to transition its energy supply system toward a high share of renewables, a development accompanied by an increasingly decentralized supply structure. The country’s energy strategy represents an influential top-down mechanism, but the process is also driven from the bottom up. The German federal states (Laender) experiment and innovate, and some explicitly strive to be forerunners in renewable energy policy. Due to different geographic, economic and demographic structures, however, they set different priorities and their strategies are not always aligned with the national strategy. In addressing these issues, this paper explores the advantages and constraints which multi-level governance poses to Germany’s transition towards a renewable energy system. It refers to the academic debate on German federalism and reinforced diffusion of renewable electricity production by horizontal and vertical dynamics in multi-level systems. In focusing on renewable energy policy at the national and subnational level, as well as their interplay, this paper asks whether national and subnational renewable energy policies are aligned hence providing for a multi-level reinforcement of the ongoing energy transition process. It shows that the Energy transition is on the one hand advanced through experimentation at the subnational level of the Laender. It claims that on the other hand the Laender risk increased inefficiencies and macroeconomic cost if they focus on an inwardly directed policy and argues for enhanced coordination efforts. It argues that the mechanisms of cooperative federalism in Germany’s renewable energy policy are inadequate with regard to the implementation of the “German Energiewende”. The present multi-level governance structure does not provide for the necessary integration of national and subnational energy policies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Research in public administration and public policy is remarkably split between institutional approaches and policy analytical approaches. Whereas institutional approaches, most often in (comparative) public administration, identify features of politico-administrative systems to account for policy-making such as politicization or the role of the centre, policy perspectives explain policy-making by factors related to the respective policy domain, e.g. frames or agenda-setting. This divide becomes crucial in the analysis of policy advice. On the one hand, advisory systems are affected by features of politico-administrative systems because bureaucrats represent important sources of advice to ministers. On the other hand, advisory systems also vary across policy domains. The paper aims to reconcile the two approaches by analyzing the constitution of policy advisory systems as affected by both institutional and policy factors. The article argues that the composition and role of advisory systems and their components basically depend upon how the problem structure of a given policy domain prompts the involved actors to use the institutional context to impose their specific problem perception, and hence to determine the relevant knowledge in policy advice. Hence, the paper focuses on the question which institutional and policy-level factors affect the constitution of the policy advisory system in climate policy-making in German federal government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Germany has reduced its emissions of greenhouse gases more than almost any other industrialized democracy and is exceeding its ambitious Kyoto commitment. Hence, it is commonly portrayed as a climate-policy success story, but the situation is actually much more complex. Generalizing Germany's per-capita emissions to all countries or its emissions reductions to all industrialized democracies would still very likely produce more than a two-degree rise in global temperature. Moreover, analyzing the German country-case into eleven subcases shows that it is a mixture of relative successes and failures. This analysis leads to three main conclusions. First, high relative performance and high environmental damage can coexist. Second, we should see national cases in a differentiated way and not only in terms of their aggregate performances. Third, researchers on climate policies should more often begin with outcomes, work backward to policies, and be prepared for some surprises. Ironically, the most effective government interventions may not be explicit climate policies, such as the economic transformation of eastern Germany. Moreover, the lack of policy-making in certain areas may undercut progress made elsewhere, including unregulated increases in car travel, road freight, and electricity consumption. Research on climate and environmental policies should focus on somewhat different areas of government intervention and ask different questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

German regulations for the thermal renovation of existing homes demand high thermal standards, which the government claims are technically and economically feasible. This paper examines existing data on 3400 German homes; their calculated energy performance ratings (EPR) are then plotted against the actual measured consumption. The results indicate that occupants consume, on average, 30% less heating energy than the calculated rating. This phenomenon is identified as the ‘prebound’ effect and increases with the calculated rating. The opposite phenomenon, the rebound effect, tends to occur for low-energy dwellings, where occupants consume more than the rating. A similar phenomenon has been recognized in recent Dutch, Belgian, French and UK studies, suggesting policy implications in two directions. Firstly, using a dwelling's energy rating to predict fuel and CO2 savings through retrofits tends to overestimate savings, underestimate the payback time and possibly discourage cost-effective, incremental improvements. Secondly, the potential fuel and CO2 savings through non-technical measures such as occupant behaviour may well be far larger than is generally assumed in policies so policy-makers need a better understanding of what drives or inhibits occupants' decisions. La réglementation allemande relative à la rénovation thermique des logements existants exige des normes thermiques élevées, que le gouvernement prétend être techniquement et économiquement applicables. Cet article examine les données existantes sur 3400 logements allemands; leurs classes d'efficacité énergétique (CEE) calculées sont ensuite comparées à la consommation réelle mesurée. Les résultats indiquent que les occupants consomment, en moyenne, 30 % d'énergie de chauffage en moins que la classe calculée. Ce phénomène est identifié en raison de l'accroissement de l'effet de « pré-bond » avec la classe calculée. Le phénomène opposé, l'effet de rebond, tend à se produire dans les logements à basse consommation d'énergie, dans lesquels les occupants ont une consommation supérieure à la classe. Un phénomène similaire a été reconnu dans des études récentes néerlandaises, belges, françaises et britanniques, suggérant des implications en termes de politiques dans deux directions. En premier lieu, l'utilisation de la classe énergétique d'un logement pour prévoir les économies de combustible et de CO2 pouvant être obtenues grâce à des rénovations a tendance à surestimer les économies, à sous-estimer le délai d'amortissement et éventuellement à dissuader d'effectuer des améliorations incrémentielles rentables. En second lieu, les économies potentielles de combustible et de CO2 pouvant être obtenues par des mesures non techniques telles que le comportement des occupants peuvent se révéler être bien plus importantes que cela n'est supposé en règle générale dans les politiques, de sorte que les décideurs ont besoin de mieux comprendre ce qui motive ou empêche les décisions des occupants. Mots clés: performance des bâtiments, rénovations thermiques, politique climatique, classe énergétique, politique énergétique, comportement de consommation énergétique [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we introduce an empirical case study of the German forest policy subsystem in order to understand how the concept of sustainable forest management has been discursively constructed, challenged, and changed over time. As a theoretical basis, we use an idea-based coalition approach, drawing on both the Advocacy Coalition Framework and Hajer's Argumentative Discourse Analysis. We show that rival coalitions that share a certain idea of forest management have dominated German forest policy for decades by employing different rhetorical and institutional strategies in order to incorporate their ideas into public policy institutions. Analyzing how the issue of climate change is discursively ‘digested’ by the actor coalitions, we find that climate change has been incorporated into the political argumentation of both coalitions in a manner consistent with their existing main policy ideas. Moreover, the membership of the coalitions has remained stable. These findings allow for conclusions regarding both our theoretical approaches and the policy subsystem's ability to adapt forests to cope with climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In cities there is a variety of economic and spatial forces that may influence to what extent a travel-related CO2 emission pricing can be an effective instrument to contribute to the achievement of CO2 reduction goals. Therefore, we examine the effectiveness and impact of CO2 emission charges using a spatial general equilibrium model of an urban economy, calibrated according to an average German city. Our analyses suggest that the imposition of a Pigouvian type CO2 emission charge on urban passenger travel may be able to reduce emissions by about 1%–11%, depending on the estimated social damage cost of carbon dioxide. Such a policy increases urban welfare mainly on account of a reduction of congestion costs. However, pricing congestion directly not only provides higher urban welfare but also higher emission reductions. Pricing congestion and CO2 emissions simultaneously allows to achieve a wide range of emission reduction goals. If, however, the reduction goal is very ambitious the emission charge must be raised to higher levels. Then, distortions in the urban markets and in spatial travel decisions lower labor supply and thus urban production, income of city residents, federal tax revenue, income of landowners outside the city, all together implying losses in welfare. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Road transportation is a strongly growing source of CO2, and use of biofuels represents one option to reduce end-of-pipe emissions of the existing car fleet. In this contribution, the implementation of the EU Biofuels Directive (2003/30/EC) and related voluntary measures at the local level are examined in Germany, UK, Italy and Finland and the cities of Berlin, London, Milan and Helsinki. Even though they are not directly involved in the implementation of the biofuel directive, all four cities studied have played an important role in emissions reduction by voluntarily participating in research and demonstration projects and by using biofuels in their own fleet. An analysis of the numerous causes and driving forces leading to different local level measures is provided. The environmental sensitivity, usually examined at national level, and the national level implementation of the EU Biofuels Directive (2003/30/EC) were not directly correlated with the city-level activities Instead, support from local businesses and acquisition of EU funds were considered to be valid explanatory factors for the city-level activities. In addition, through horizontal networking cities are starting to exchange know-how gained in their projects, contributing in this way to the accumulation of experience for future policies and technologies. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: In a carbon constrained world, at least four classes of greenhouse gas mitigation options are ava ilable: energy efficiency, switching to low or carbon-free energy sources, introduction of carbon dioxide capture and storage along with electric generating technologies, and reductions in emissions of non -CO 2 greenhouse gases. The contribution of each option to overall greenhouse gas mitigation varies by cost, scale, and timing. In particular, carbon dioxide capture and storage (CCS) promises to allow for low-emissions fossil -fuel based power generation. This is pa rticularly relevant for Germany, where electricity generation is largely coal -based and, at the same time, ambitious climate targets are in place. Our objective is to provide a balanced analysis of the various classes of greenhouse gas mitigation options with a particular focus on CCS for Germany. We simulate the potential role of advanced fossil fuel based electricity generating technologies with CCS (IGCC, NGCC) as well the potential for retrofit with CCS for existing and currently built fossil plants from the present through 2050. We employ a computable general equilibrium (CGE) economic model as a core model and integrating tool. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper employs John Kingdon''s [1984. Agendas, Alternatives and Public Policies. Little Brown, Boston] “multiple streams” framework to analyse the sudden move from overgenerous grandfathering to tight caps and auctioning within the German emissions trading regime in the first half of 2007. By bringing together empirical evidence from interviews and official documents the following question is addressed: how completely does Kingdon''s framework explain this political turn? The opening of a “policy window” can be demonstrated and Kingdon''s theory concisely captures important aspects of this process. At the same time, however, the findings imply that a number of relevant factors are not sufficiently considered by the theory, most notably the influence of multi-level governance structures, learning processes, and networks. This demonstrates that the multiple streams approach on its own is not sufficient to fully understand the case study example. Hence, for a better understanding of policy change it is suggested that scholars need to evaluate the potential for amending and combining Kingdon''s model with other explanatory approaches. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The search for effective and efficient climate policy has led to a major expansion in the use of market-based instruments and voluntary agreements (New Environmental Policy Instruments [NEPIs]) at national and international levels. Yet, despite the prevalence of these instruments as an outcropping of the broader shift toward neoliberal approaches to environmental policies, tremendous diversity exists in the way signatories to the Kyoto Protocol have deployed NEPIs. Drawing on recent geographical and political science research on the neoliberalization of nature, this article reexamines reasons for geographical variations in market environmentalism and, in particular, the role of national policy styles in refracting neoliberal influence on environmental policy. In so doing, I argue that policy styles are too frequently conceptualized in terms of state processes, overlooking complex and territorialized social relations between regulators and regulated parties. To illustrate this claim, I compare the implementation of climate policy in the United Kingdom and Germany, exploring the effects of national policy styles on NEPI deployment, factors contributing to industry reactions to market-based and voluntary measures, and how national policy styles color these evaluations. This is used to argue that understanding geographical variations in market environmentalism requires greater appreciation of the role of industry groups in the creation, defense, and evolution of national policy styles. I conclude by reflecting on the study's implications for the implementation of the Kyoto Protocol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Germany is the leader among countries belonging to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in reducing its emissions of the Kyoto basket of greenhouse gases (GHGs), having accomplished an emissions reduction of 18.9 percent from 1990 to 2000. This paper aims to explain the reasons for this success and to examine the impacts of the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol on the development of Germany's climate policy. In order to identify the factors that determined this outcome, we divide our examination of the policy process in Germany since 1987 into five periods and will evaluate it with a focus on policy measures implemented and actors as well as the institutions involved. It concludes that domestic factors, including the participation of the Greens in the coalition government, mainly determined Germany's success in developing advanced climate policies and measures to reduce its GHG emissions. The paper also highlights the importance of the linkage of climate policy with other policies, which provided incentives to those who would otherwise have opposed or remained neutral on the development of climate policy. As such, the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol did not have a direct impact on climate policy development in Germany, but it did have an indirect impact in that it triggered the development of common and coordinated policies and measures at the European Union (EU) level in order to achieve its quantified GHG reduction target of 8 percent committed to under the Kyoto Protocol, as seen in the introduction of an EU-wide emissions trading scheme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While it is widely acknowledged that carbon pricing plays an important role in driving the transition towards a low-carbon energy system, its interaction with complementary instruments is discussed controversially. The analysis of combining carbon pricing with complementary policies has been mostly focused on the electricity sector, while the role of carbon pricing in the buildings sector has received only minor interest. In view of the newly introduced carbon pricing scheme for the buildings and transport sector in Germany, we analyze the interactions between the carbon pricing scheme with the existing policy instruments and assess the consistency of the policy mix for decarbonizing the buildings sector. Our analysis finds that the introduction of carbon pricing has a reinforcing effect on the instrument mix and adds to the consistency of the policy mix. The results highlight the importance of complementary policies in order to achieve deep decarbonization in the buildings sector. We conclude that carbon pricing, preferably implemented as a tax with a predictable and increasing price level, needs to be supplemented with a powerful mix of complementary measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are numerous studies assessing the influence of individual sociological, political, and demographic factors on attitudes towards climate change. However, there is still a need for a deeper understanding of the reasons behind these attitudes and for research based on results from more than one country. This study empirically examines a range of psychosocial and demographic determinants of support for climate policy (renewable energy, energy efficiency and carbon tax) in Germany and Poland (n = 1969). The results show that the societies of both countries, despite significant differences in income, culture and political stance on climate change, similarly support implementation of climate policies. For both countries valid predictors of support are: awareness, emotional response to climate crisis, sense of control, and belief in effectiveness of solutions; the study also shows predictors relevant in only one country. Factor analysis identified similar dimensions of attitudes toward climate change in both countries. The main findings show that support for climate policy is high in both countries and that the public is ready to accept more ambitious climate goals. Despite the differences between the countries, a coherent climate policy seems justified. The study also shows differences between the countries and provides recommendations for policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To fulfil the ambitious greenhouse gas reduction targets in Germany requires a fundamental transformation of the energy system. Accordingly, today's bioenergy value chains are faced with substantial transformations to find their role in 2050's low carbon emission energy and supply systems. In this regard, not only economic, environmental, and social aspects need to be taken into consideration. The technology maturity, flexible energy generation and supply and the ability to combine the technologies with CO 2 capture are relevant aspects for future bioenergy systems. To evaluate appropriate options for a future energy system an assessment framework with 29 criteria was developed in form of an assessment matrix, and applied for several bioenergy technology pathways. The results show much larger challenges for the implementation and transformation of lignocelluse-based pathways than of biogas-based ones. Trade-offs of the assessment criteria are shown in a heat map. Results might support policy decision makers to develop and implement a long term bioenergy strategy and thus a successful transformation towards a sustainable energy system 2050. Image 1 • Today's bioenergy provision needs transformation to serve renewable energy systems. • With 29 criteria several bioenergy transformation pathways are holistically assessed. • Results show hot spots, where effort for a successful transformation is necessary. • Large bioenergy systems are more suitable for BECCS integration. • Small systems tend to show better social performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Flight shame' describes an unease about the climate implications of air travel, and bears evidence of a change in social norms that have so far associated flying with social status. This paper discusses whether Fridays for Future demonstrations and ensuing flight shame have influenced social norms regarding the desirability of air travel, and whether this is measurable in a decline in air travel, or policy support for measures curbing emissions from aviation. These aspects are discussed on the basis of German flight statistics and an online panel survey (n = 1002) conducted in August 2019 in Germany. Results show that, against a background of falling domestic air transport demand, respondents do not report a significant change in travel behaviour. However, a two-third majority of respondents indicate support for market-based measures increasing the cost of flying, as well as policies forcing airlines to reduce emissions and legislation abolishing subsidies. These findings point at an ongoing change in social norms, which could be reinforced if policymakers took advantage of public support for ambitious climate policies. • Investigates flight shame debates' influence on social norms and policy support. • Finds strong evidence of a heightened awareness of air travel implications. • Suggests that social practice change is already visible in declining passenger numbers. • Affirms support for far-reaching climate policies to curb emissions from aviation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political discussion to reduce the carbon footprint of Germany's electricity sector, focusing on coal, is intensifying. In this paper, we develop scenarios for phasing out lignite and hard coal power plants in Germany prior to the end of their technical lifespan ("coal-exit"). Our analysis bases upon two coal-exit instruments, the retirement of coal generation capacities and the limiting of how much aged coal power plants with high carbon intensity can be used within a year. Results show that phasing out coal in Germany would have a considerable impact on Central European electricity markets, in terms of decarbonization efforts and electricity trade. An ambitious coal-exit could avert foreseeable shortcomings in Germany's climate performance in the short-run and release additional carbon savings, thus compensating for potential shortfalls in other energy-intensive sectors by 2030. Limited emissions in the range of 27% would be shifted to neighboring countries. However, tremendous positive climate effects on European scale would result, because Germany's annual emission savings in 2030 would be substantial. Totaling 85 million tons of CO2, the overall net reduction is equivalent to 17.5% of total European emissions in 2030 without retirements of coal-firing power plants prior to the end of their technical lifespan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study examines the consequences of the planned coal phase-out in Germany according to various phase-out pathways that differ in the ordering of power plant closures. Soft-linking an energy system model with an input-output model and a regional macroeconomic model simulates the socio-economic effects of the phase-out in the lignite regions, as well as in the rest of Germany. The combination of two economic models offers the advantage of considering the phase-out from different perspectives and thus assessing the robustness of the results. The model results show that the lignite coal regions will exhibit losses in output, income and population, but a faster phase-out would lead to a quicker recovery. Migration to other areas in Germany and demographic changes will partially compensate for increasing unemployment, but support from federal policy is also necessary to support structural change in these regions. • Soft-linking energy system model, input-output model & regional macroeconomic model. • Germany's lignite coal regions will exhibit losses in output, income and population. • A more rapid phase-out, however, would also result in a quicker recovery. • Germany's internal migration & demographic changes reduce local unemployment effect. • Support from policy makers is needed to support structural change in coal regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Passenger cars in Europe have become both heavier and more powerful over the past decades. This trend has increased vehicle utility but it might have also offset technical improvements in powertrain efficiency. Here, we analyze efficiency trade-offs and CO 2 emissions for three popular compact cars in Germany. We find that mass, power, and front area of model variants has increased by 66%, 147%, and 22%, respectively between 1980 and 2018. In the same period, fuel consumption decreased 14% for gasoline models but it increased 9% for diesel models. However, if vehicle mass, power, and front area had remained at 1980 levels, technical efficiency improvements would have decreased the fuel consumption of gasoline and diesel models by 23% and 24%, respectively. The related efficiency trade-offs amount to 24 g CO 2 /km or 13% of the current fuel consumption for gasoline models and 40 g CO 2 /km or 25% of the current fuel consumption for diesel models. These findings suggest that about half of the technical efficiency improvements in gasoline models and all of the technical efficiency improvements in diesel models are offset through other vehicle attributes. By accounting for the observed efficiency trade-offs, climate policy could become more effective. • Mass and power of compact cars increased 66% and 147% between 1980 and 2018. • Parts of technical efficiency improvements are offset by other vehicle attributes. • If mass and power had remained as in 1980, CO 2 emissions would decrease by 13% or 24 g/km for gasoline models and 25% or 40 g CO 2 /km for diesel models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]