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Purpose: The Samuel Paty murder has generated a great response from the professional community and the world of education and schools in Europe and worldwide. In a unique way, civic educators expressed horror, sorrow, and solidarity with the family and with their French colleagues. The article is dedicated to Samuel Paty and the question of whether and how we as a community of international civic educators can learn from this terrible event. Design/methodology/approach: The article presents a case reconstruction using press and public documents attempting to disentangle the actors' positions, their stated intentions and contexts, and the following political intricacies of the case. Findings: The murder of Samuel Paty provoked a series of educational policy reactions that have paradoxical effects on civic education in schools, seen its intentions of political-social inclusion into a citizenship model. The case analysis documents the pitfalls of the instrumentalization of civic education for the securitization of societies.

Purpose: This article focuses on recent developments in the domain of civic education in the French education system, the new programme on "Enseignement moral et civique" (EMC), and the debate about the relevance of the basic values of the Republic which came up after the terror attacks in January 2015. Method: The study is based on a press review which provides a contrastive choice of exemplary texts from different perspectives (e.g. educational policy documents, scientific and journalistic articles, interviews, statements of teachers and experts) collected between January 2015 and March 2016. Findings: The contribution examines public reflections on the design and implementation of the programme and gives an overview of the aims, content and methods of the new initiative to teach values in schools.

The article by Matthias Busch and Nancy Morys "'Mobilising for the Values of the Republic'--France's Education Policy Response to the 'Fragmented Society': A Commented Press Review" is dedicated to the recent debates on moral education in France. The debates have centred on the proposed reforms, called "the great mobilisation of schools for the values of the Republic", which the Minister of Education Najat Vallaud Belkcacem announced shortly after the attacks of January 2015. The reforms include the creation of a new subject area in the primary and secondary curriculum: moral and civic education (l'Education morale et civique-EMC). After the tragic events of 2015, which gave a new precedence to the ambition to "share the values of the Republic", renewing the civic dimension of schooling was included in a European initiative of the Council of Europe developed at the end of the 1990s (Eurydice, 2005). It led to the definition of "key competencies for the teaching of democratic citizenship" (Audigier, 2000) and to the promotion of pedagogical approaches focused on student activities. The study by Busch and Morys is based on a review of official texts, including educational policy documents, scientific and journalistic articles, interviews, statements of teachers and experts. This methodological approach considers a variety of arguments in the debate and highlights the key points which relate more broadly to the role of secular schools in the ideology of the French Republic on social integration. The purpose of this article is to provide a non-exhaustive historical perspective with the aim of better understanding the significance of these very topical issues.

On June 28, 1951, France ratified the 1949 Geneva Conventions, which prohibited the torture of prisoners of war. On August 2, 1955, the United States of America ratified the same document. Between 1954 and 1962, France fought a war against Algeria, which sought its independence from colonial rule. From September 11, 2001 until the present, the United States has been engaged in what its government has termed "The Global War on Terror," which has involved wars in Afghanistan, Iraq and holding detainees for interrogation at Guantanamo Bay. Although the two cases must be distinguished from one another based on different situational, ideological, and historical characteristics, there are critical commonalities. This study focuses on two distinct research questions: first, what explains the rationale by which France and the United States, two democratic states, violated international and domestic law by torturing prisoners of war? Second, how did these two states justify this noncompliance? This article engages the question of how international humanitarian law (IHL) operates or fails to operate in constraining state actors. This article illuminates some of the challenges IHL faces today in ensuring state compliance. (Contains 119 notes.)

During the Fall term, 2001, the author taught a new course intended to develop a diversity of close reading skills among his students. An integral component of the course involved the exploration of memory and history. As the fate of the syllabus would have it, right after the September attacks he taught Sarah Farmer's "Martyred Village: Commemorating the 1944 Massacre at Oradour-sur-Glane." Farmer's excellent study begins with an account of the murder of 642 men, women and children in the French town of Oradour-sur-Glane (Haute-Vienne) in the Limousin by the SS Das Reich division on June 10, 1944. Soldiers shot males and incinerated their bodies, rounded up women and children and burned them to death in the church, and looted and burnt the town. The radical differences between this massacre and the events of September 11, 2001 encouraged students to situate the event they had just witnessed and experienced in a particular historical context rather than simply grouping the murder of civilians in an ahistorical congeries. But Farmer's text also revealed to students how vital it is to engage with the history of memory in a society where the dismissive "it's history" has made memory all the more important. Whether or not students have experienced a tragedy which they recognize has affected their sense of self and their collective identities, the author has found in other courses that the study of memory in a foreign context, one step removed from that of the students, allows them to develop the skills to explore the world of memory closer to home. In this article, the author lays out briefly the history of the memory of the Oradour-sur-Glane massacre presented so well by Farmer, but with a focus on elements outside the parameters of her account that he found helped students engage in the history of memory. (Contains 33 notes.)

Argues that the form and function of presidential foreign policy rhetoric are grounded in a nation's acceptable images of political reality. Examines the rhetorical responses of Presidents Reagan and Mitterrand to the terrorist bombing in Beirut and to acts of military interventions by the United States and France in Grenada and Chad. (JD)

Tragic events such as terrorist attacks have been shown to influence voters' policy preferences, but less is known about whether such events also affect actual immigration policy. In this study, I bring new evidence to this question by examining whether migrant shipwrecks and terrorist attacks affected asylum decisions in France during the refugee crisis of 2015–16. I find that asylum officers were more likely to approve an individual's refugee application if a shipwreck has recently been in the news than they are otherwise. Yet they were less likely to grant refugee status to asylum seekers from Syria and Iraq after a terrorist attack. Together, these findings suggest that tragic events can affect immigration policy through their influence on asylum officers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper gives thought to the exploitation of Niger's natural resources by France, the European Union (EU), and the United States (US), among other countries. The objective of this paper is to deconstruct the exploitation of Niger's uranium, gold, and coal, among other natural resources, and the surge in terrorism. This paper adopts qualitative secondary research as its methodology and resource curse theory as its theoretical framework. The gap that the paper bridges is that most research about the exploitation of Niger's natural resources and the rise in terrorism ignores the involvement of France among other Western countries. Findings that develop from this paper reveal that France has exploited Niger's natural resources since colonisation. Similarly, the EU and the US, among other countries, have been accomplices in the exploitation of Niger's natural resources. Additionally, Western countries, namely France, the EU, and the US, including Britain and Russia, have been involved in supporting administrations or terrorists that advance their interests in Niger, among other issues. Further results show that successive administrations in Niger and those that took control through the coup in July 2023 enjoy the support of the major global powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will evaluate two acts of terrorism: the Toulouse and Montauban Terror Attack of 2012 and the 2013 Boston Marathon Bombing. While a great deal of discussion has centered on these isolated attacks, limited research has bridged a comparison of these events and the pathways of radicalization. This study will integrate three criminological theories to explain why these atrocities were committed. First, using Social Learning Theory, the study will show that Tamerlan and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, known as the Boston Marathon Bombers, as well as Mohamed Merah, the individual responsible for the Toulouse and Montauban Terror Attacks, learned terror-related techniques from social and non-social sources. Second, Strain Theory will be incorporated into the discussion. Here, the blockage of goals, the removal of positive stimuli, the presentation of negative stimuli, and the inability to cope to these changes played an important role in the radicalization process of these individuals as well. Finally, Social Bond Theory will be utilized to illustrate that Mohamed Merah and the Tsarnaev Brothers had weak social bonds to their family, self, and community. This contributed to their radicalization and their motive to inflict harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The court trial of the 14th of July 2016 terrorist attack in Nice (France) opened in September 2022 and ended in December 2022. Engaging in court proceedings, whether as a victim or a witness, can lead to a significant risk of traumatic reactivation (i.e., the re-emergence of post-traumatic stress symptoms). The present protocol aimed to improve knowledge of the pathophysiology of traumatic reactivation due to the media coverage of the trial by assessing sleep disturbances and somatic symptoms that could reappear if there is a traumatic reactivation. Method and Analysis: This is a monocentric longitudinal study, with recruitment solely planned at the Nice Pediatric Psychotrauma Center (NPPC). We intended to include 100 adolescents aged 12 to 17 years who were directly or indirectly exposed to the attack and included in the "14-7" program). Assessments began one month before the trial, in August 2022, and were scheduled once a month until the end of the trial. A smartwatch recorded sleep activity. Somatic and PTSD symptoms and sleep were assessed through validated questionnaires. The main analyses comprised the variance and regression analyses of predictors of clinical evolution over time. Ethics and Dissemination: The National Ethics Committee "NORD OUEST III" approved the "14-7" program protocol (number 2017-A02212-51). The specific amendment for this research was approved in April 2022 by the same national ethical committee. Inclusions started in August 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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First responders intervening in crisis situations are likely to subsequently develop mental disorders. We aimed to identify factors associated with anxiety disorders after a terrorist attack in both the medium and long terms. We used data collected on 180 first responders (medical/psychological health professionals and emergency rescue teams) interviewed face to face at 6-10 months (medium term) and 18-22 months (long term) after the January 2015 terrorist attacks in France. Anxiety disorders were measured using the Mini-International Neuropsychiatric Interview V6 and several other variables including terror exposure (comprising perceived level of exposure and real exposure level), sociodemographic characteristics, social support, mental health history, and access to psychological support resources. We developed a structural equation model to examine the interactions between these different factors. Postattack anxiety disorder prevalence in the medium and long terms was 16% and 14%, respectively. The main associated factors in the medium term were barriers to social support, perceived level of exposure, and a lack of psychological support resources. In the long term, the presence of anxiety disorders in the medium term and barriers to social support were directly associated with having anxiety disorders, while reexposure was indirectly associated. Barriers to social support played a crucial role in the prevalence of anxiety disorders in first responders following this traumatic event, both in the medium and long terms. Promoting stronger social cohesion and providing more psychological support resources following a disaster could help prevent anxiety disorders in this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Endless armed conflicts against terrorist groups put civilian populations at risk. Since France has been involved in the Sahel from 2013 onwards, transnational non-international armed conflicts (NIACs) of extended geographical and temporal scope against groups designated as terrorists are not a US exception anymore. NIACs against terrorist groups, conducted not only by the United States but also by France, persist and have been reconfigured around threat anticipation. How can anticipatory warfare be best constrained? This article argues that it can be best done through more constraining rules regulating target selection in NIACs and, in particular, by redefining the notion of continuous combat function (CCF). Many elements explored in this article indicate that the United States and France select targets that they pre-designate as terrorists, before these targets are engaged in hostilities. Instead of responding to the observed participation of these individuals in hostilities, strikes are based on contextual and behavioural elements ahead or outside of such moments. This paper argues that when war consists of threat anticipation, it becomes very extensive and particularly risky for civilians. Furthermore, recent State practice in the counterterrorism context reveals the pitfalls of the notions of direct participation in hostilities and CCF as defined in the 2009 International Committee of the Red Cross Interpretive Guidance. Outside this context, the interpretations proposed in the Interpretive Guidance might seem sufficient to constrain target selection processes and to protect civilian populations. However, when applied to armed conflicts that are driven by threat anticipation, the pitfalls of these interpretations emerge. I formulate a critique of these interpretations as being partly responsible for anticipatory warfare and propose an alternative theory for the CCF test. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The five acts of jihadist violence between 2012–2020, particularly the 2015 Paris attacks, combined with an increasingly polarized political discourse in France, have pushed jihadist extremism to the center of government policy and public opinion. Approaches to jihadist extremism in the last decade have comprised two characteristics: claims amalgamating Islam and Muslim religious practice—especially in its stricter forms—with extremist violence, along with the idea that such forms of dangerous religious indoctrination are best battled through education. As a result, there has been a renewed debate concerning the principle of laïcité (secularism) within public schools and other public institutions. One of the leading efforts in this context has focused on processes of "deradicalization". These projects include various educational tools, rehabilitation attempts inside and outside of prisons, cultural and artistic initiatives, and administrative bans imposed on organizations inciting violence. However, the most ambitious of these efforts have also been subject to the greatest criticism. Projects within the public school system have been accused of securitizing education and stigmatizing Muslim students, whereas measures undertaken in prisons are currently limited to risk assessment of inmates linked with jihadist violence, while lacking more meaningful plans for their rehabilitation. Public–private partnerships have developed more promising initiatives, but their moderate success is still recent and requires further study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Democratic countries have long dealt with the challenge of terrorism. I discuss the challenges associated with how democracies can manage terrorist violence. I outline what terrorism is and is not and why this matters in understanding how to manage and mitigate terrorism's impacts on democratic countries. Next, I discuss terrorism in democracies like the United States and France and show the reasons why citizens should be concerned and practical in the ways our countries respond to terrorism. Importantly, I discuss the perceived existential threat of terrorism for democracy and argue why this largely overblown. Briefly, I outline the major reasons why scholars think terrorism occurs and how this should link to our policy responses. In the conclusion, I argue that counterterrorism strategies should directly follow from the reasons why we think terrorism happens and why I think this should be a central concern for analysts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay, originally published as an editorial in the French newspaper Libération in November 2015. It argues that President François Hollande was correct when he announced that France was in a "state of war" following the 13 November 2015 attacks by Islamist terrorists that killed 180 people and wounded scores more. Following on the model established by Clausewitz defining what it means to be at war, the author enumerates those features in relation to the current situation in France following the attack. He also draws comparisons between the France in the days after the terrorist attacks and similar moments of conflicts in France's recent past, including the outset of World War I and the Algerian conflict several decades later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In the wake of terrorist attacks, protecting the health and psychosocial wellbeing of those affected and the general population, are important tasks for the healthcare system. The responses to such emergencies are often complex, including different phases and many actors, and may unveil insufficiencies that incite reforms to existing systems. Recently, initiatives have been promoted to strengthen cooperation and coordination regarding the governance of health threats in Europe. Comparative research is requested on how states prepare for health emergencies such as terrorist attacks. This study investigated how governments in two European countries with universal health coverage prepared to address the civilian population's health needs after terrorist attacks, and the factors that contributed to shaping their chosen approach. Methods: Utilizing document analysis and Walt and Gilson's model for the analysis of health policy, national plans for post-terror health responses in Norway and France were studied with a focus on context, process, content, and actors. Results: Whereas target groups for psychosocial care and certain measures were similar in both cases, the contents of prescribed policies and the actors responsible for enacting them differed. One of the most distinct differences was to what extent specialized mental healthcare was relied upon to provide psychosocial follow-up in the emergency phase. In the French approach, specialized mental healthcare practitioners, such as psychiatrists, psychologists and psychiatric nurses, provided early psychosocial support. In contrast, the Norwegian approach relied on interdisciplinary primary care crisis teams in the local municipalities to provide early psychosocial support, with further involvement of specialized mental healthcare if this was considered necessary. Historical, political, and systemic differences contributed to the variation in the countries' responses. Conclusions: This comparative study highlights the complexity and diversity of health policy responses to terrorist attacks across countries. Moreover, challenges and opportunities for research and health management in response to such disasters, including possibilities and potential pitfalls for the coordination of this work across Europe. An important first step could be to map out existing services and practices across countries to better understand if and how common core elements for psychosocial follow-up might be implemented internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article aims to describe the regional security challenges and major threats for India in South Asia. Since 1947, India has been suffering from external security threats such as, a form of proxy warfare and terrorism from its neighbouring countries. To this purpose, the article also examines recurring issues where India has major border issues with China, in the Himalayan terrain to the eastern region of India. This article looks at the defence cooperation between India and France through the prism of India's security threats in the South Asian region. India's soft power policy reflected in a neo-realist approach and expanded its long-standing defence cooperation with France. Therefore, India has been receiving support from the French government whenever the country needs defence equipment and other assistance. The article uses empirical and discourse analysis methods to answer the questions, and to draw a proper conclusion to the study. Finally, as a result of the study, we can see that India's serious security threats in the South Asian region are pushing the country to purchase defence equipment from France. The relationship between India and France is strengthening the bilateral cooperation at a broader level and shaping a strong strategic partnership by uniting South Asia and the Indo-Pacific as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The terrorist attacks of January 2015 in Paris prompted intense public debates concerning the relationship between Muslims and core elements of French republican values such as free speech and laïcité. The voices of Muslims themselves were heard relatively little in French media coverage of these matters. Drawing on a sociological study of eight second-generation members of an Algerian immigrant family, this article shows how their first-hand testimony illustrates the diversity of attitudes among French Muslims. Female members of the family who had built successful careers participated in the huge January 11 rally condemning the terrorist attacks and supporting free speech. Brothers with poorer employment records expressed more cynical attitudes, including in some cases supporting the claim that Charlie Hebdo journalists had been "asking for it" by publishing highly provocative cartoons which many Muslims considered to be Islamophobic. A sister working as an employment counsellor in a disadvantaged multi-ethnic banlieue with high levels of unemployment recounted how the disaffected and in some cases increasingly unhinged attitudes displayed in recent years by those she was charged with helping resembled those of the young men who had perpetrated the jihadist attacks of January 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dans les suites des attentats perpétrés en 2015 et 2016 sur le sol français, une carence dans la prise en charge précoce des troubles psychotraumatiques chez les enfants a été mise en exergue. Les cellules d'urgence médico-psychologiques (CUMP) ont, dès lors, été confrontées à la nécessité de se mobiliser pour développer une spécificité pédopsychiatrique. À partir du constat d'un manque de méthodologie adaptée à une population pédiatrique, cet article a pour objectif de réinterroger le contenant et le contenu de l'Intervention Psychothérapeutique Post-Immédiate (IPPI), en cherchant à combiner la technique du « débriefing » telle qu'utilisée par les CUMP, aux supports de médiation, outils, quotidiennement employés dans la relation thérapeutique aux enfants dans les services de pédopsychiatrie. Cet article propose une technique d'entretien de « débriefing » structuré, impliquant l'utilisation d'un objet médiateur : les Cartes Métaphoriques et Associatives "OH-Cards". À travers une vignette clinique, issue d'une intervention CUMP en post-immédiat auprès d'une fratrie de jumeaux de 6 ans, nous avons détaillé les différentes étapes de l'entretien de « débriefing » médiatisé. La mise en œuvre de la technique d'entretien proposée permet de guider la narration du vécu traumatique des enfants, et de remobiliser leur processus de symbolisation. Cette approche du « debriefing » décliné à une population d'enfants, a l'originalité d'illustrer de ce que pourrait être le fruit de la rencontre entre deux cultures du soin : les compétences des CUMP d'une part, et celles de la pédopsychiatrie de l'autre. Ce premier travail nous conduit à envisager une modélisation de l'IPPI avec l'enfant, structuré autour d'un objet médiateur, en vue de proposer un outil de référence dans la formation des soignants des CUMP. A lack of experience for early post-traumatic interventions for children was observed after the terrorist attacks perpetrated in 2015 and 2016 in France. The clinicians involved in the medico psychological emergency units (CUMP) had to quickly adapt their interventions to help children and their families seeking assistance. This article aims to examine how the Post-Immediate Psychotherapeutic Intervention (IPPI) based on the debriefing technique commonly used by the CUMP could be adapted to this age. This article describes a modified form of the IPPI interview for children based on the use of pictorial representations, i.e., the Metaphoric and Associative Cards, "OH-Cards". A clinical vignette illustrates the different steps of this intervention such as those provided to sibling 6-year-old twins in the context of a post-immediate CUMP intervention after a drowning. Adding the pictorial cards to IPPI interview techniques facilitated the children's verbalization, the narrative reports of the traumatic experience with the professional, and globally enhanced the symbolization process. This developmental-sensitive adaptation of the commonly used debriefing approach illustrates the positive synergy between the professional cultures of the clinicians from the CUMP and the child psychiatrists. Children-specific adaptations of the IPPI based on symbolic mediators, such as pictorial cards, should be considered as a reference tool at this age in the training of CUMP professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Following a terrorist attack, responses to a psychosocial disaster range from low-intensity initiatives to high-intensity treatment. Some studies described post-disaster psychosocial services and planning across Europe. However, little is known about the psychosocial support (PS) actually delivered after terrorist attacks.Study Objective: This study assesses prevalence and the factors associated with not receiving short-term PS among terror-exposed people with probable mental health disorders following the January 2015 terrorist attacks in France.Methods: This study used data from the first wave of a longitudinal survey conducted six months after the attacks. Prevalence and factors associated with not receiving PS were described in the immediate period (48 hours), the early post-immediate period (48 hours-one week), and the medium-term (over one week) using a robust Poisson regression for each of the three periods.Results: Nearly one-half of the participants (N = 189) did not receive PS in any period (46.6% in the immediate period, 45.5% in the early post-immediate period, and 54.5% in the medium-term). In each period, not receiving PS was associated with not being very close to the attack sites. Not receiving PS in the immediate period was also associated with being a direct witness (DW) rather than being directly threatened (DT) and not having support in daily life; in the early post-immediate period, not receiving PS was associated with not having a peri-traumatic dissociation experience and being followed for a psychological problem before the attacks; and in the medium-term period, it was associated with perceived social isolation.Conclusion: The characteristics of the terror exposure and social support seemed to influence presence or absence of PS after the terrorist attack and highlight the need for strategies to reach out to people regardless of the type of exposure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of International Journal on Criminology is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Terrorist events typically vary along many dimensions, making it difficult to identify their economic effects. This paper analyses the impact of terrorism on international trade by examining a series of three large-scale terrorist incidents in France over the period from January 2015 to July 2016. Using firm-level data at monthly frequency, we document an immediate and lasting decline in cross-border trade after a mass terrorist attack. According to our estimates, France's trade in goods, which accounts for about 70% of the country's trade in goods and services, is reduced by more than 6 billion euros in the first 6 months after an attack. The reduction in trade mainly takes place along the intensive margin, with particularly strong effects for partner countries with low border barriers to France, for firms with less frequent trade activities and for homogeneous products. A possible explanation for these patterns is an increase in trade costs due to stricter security measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article investigates the portrayal by French policy-makers of the so-called Islamic State 'foreign fighters'. I provide an in-depth analysis of the discursive construction of these 'foreign fighters' as different and detached from the (French) Self. I do so through a questioning of the notion of multiplicity, revealing how it exists precariously and the consequences this precariousness has on the notion itself. First, multiplicity emerges in 'strange' places as identities are being remodelled through new combinations. Second, the coexistence implied by multiplicity needs to be complexified to account for the way it helps preserve but also sometimes erase difference (and thus multiplicity itself). Finally, because of the precariousness of multiplicity, unexpected outcomes can be produced by the encounter with difference (such as the policy of non-repatriation of the 'foreign fighters'). Overall, multiplicity can be usefully questioned by looking at these instances of instability and doubt. As such, this article shares the concerns expressed by critical scholars that multiplicity recreates problematic distinctions between inside and outside. As a response, my analysis contributes to an understanding of multiplicity as always in the making, revealing how various discursive strategies are used to temporarily and imperfectly stabilise boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can researchers do more than 'do no harm' and have a positive impact in the contexts in which they intervene? These are classic questions of PAR, which also apply to peace research. How can research practice contribute to peace? There is an intimate relationship between power, violence and silence. Hence, working with subalternised voices, subject to epistemic violence, poses a methodological challenge for social sciences in which words are data. This paper presents a research method that allows for constructive confrontation in contexts of terrorist violence in European cities, generally considered to be at peace. This method consists of organising public debate in collaboration with community organisations in a neighbourhood directly affected by the aftermath of a wave of terrorist attacks in France. In the case of the Université Populaire, the organisation of public debates allowed for the public expression of agonism, and was a source of hope and prefigurative politics. Exploring this case, this article contributes to discussions about how to deal with the challenges of pluralism within current peace research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The object of this article is to show that in recent times of crisis – notably in view of the repeated terrorist attacks that have taken place in France – a form of insidious backlash on feminism has operated through antifeminist appropriations of feminism by self-named French "decolonial intersectional feminists" whose antiracist stance and praxis leads them to sometimes distort and even betray the goals of feminism. Contrary to their purported use of intersectionality as a pluri-identity analytical tool, these "feminists" assign people to a single dominant primary identity, based either on their religion or the colour of their skin, which leads them to defend antifeminist views.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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After the terrorist attacks of January 2015, laïcité – the particular French version of secularism – has been at the centre of government efforts to reaffirm republican values and strengthen national cohesion. One of the most emblematic measures in this quest was the decision to have state schools celebrate a national day of laïcité. This article seeks to understand how French secularism has been performed during these commemorations. It draws from the assumption that secularism does not only consist of rules on church-state relations and on how religion may or may not manifest itself in the public sphere, but also of representations and routinised practices of secularity. Through an online analysis of nearly 150 school activities organised between 2015 and 2020 across France, this article shows how laïcité remains an indeterminate construct. Commemorations typically take the form of tree-planting ceremonies, re-enacting rituals, and visual or performing arts projects. In many cases, laïcité is diluted in civil religious rituals to the point that it sometimes becomes an empty signifier of patriotism. Other projects, however, reinterpret laïcité as a condition for multicultural citizenship and, in doing so, propose counter-narratives to the notion that multiple identities pose a threat to the Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few years, a wave of Islamist-related terrorist attacks took place in Western Europe, mainly in France and Belgium but with relevant episodes also in the United Kingdom whereas so far Italy did not suffer any attack of this kind. Each of these countries hosts a large number of Muslim immigrants and communities, participated in military missions in the Middle East, and has been repeatedly threatened by ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) or other Islamist-related radical groups. What then explains the difference in the number and intensity of Islamist-related terrorist attacks in Western European countries? Using qualitative cross-case comparison case studies and relying on the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) and the Association of Religion Data Archive (ARDA), I argue that countries directly discriminating toward Islamic communities are more likely to suffer these kinds of attacks because this discrimination causes grievances against the host state within the discriminated minority. This effect is higher in the presence of religious and cultural networks where these grievances can be brought at the center of the public debate and be connected together because of the presence of large audiences, resulting in the possible development of more radicalized positions of small portions of the discriminated community. This is particularly true for highly secular states like France, where the interpretation of secularism makes accommodation for religious minorities extremely challenging, also resulting in laws that regulate religious behavior of minorities, therefore increasing outrage and frustration of the minority group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the immediate aftermath of terrorism, references to 'our values' as a source of unity become a substantial part of public discourse. Leaders, the media, and the public emphasize 'values' to express that 'we' are united across ethnic, religious, and political differences. This article comparatively examines formulations of 'we', 'us', and 'them' with reference to 'values' (i.e. value-talk) after terror attacks in France (November 2015) and Norway (July 2011). To access speech, events, and symbols as they were unfolding, the analysis draws on the first week of national television news following these attacks. Whereas the terrorists in France were self-proclaimers of an Islamic State, the terrorist in Norway was a self-proclaimed defender of the Christian civilization. The central place of a value-based unity—regardless of the terrorists' ethnicity and motivations—contrasts with the otherwise common idea expressed in public debate that 'values' embody a fundamental divide between 'natives' and immigrant populations. This article argues that scholarship on values, in migration studies and beyond, reifies the much-repeated assumption in public debate that there is a value-based divide between groups of people. By examining expressions of unity in contexts of conflict, the analysis untangles the dynamic and flexible 'groupness' articulated through value-talk. Analytical attention to this variability, I argue, better reflects the widespread attention to cultural complexities in migration studies. Through the study of value-talk in the immediate aftermath of terrorism, the article explores some of the dimensions of how and when unity is mobilized in societies marked by migration-related diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The terrorist attacks that struck France in 2015 had reverberations throughout the country's intellectual fields. Among the most significant was a widespread polemic that turned around whether sociological explanations of the attacks amounted to excuses and justifications for terrorists. When prominent politicians and pundits made allegations of this nature, sociologists reacted in three main ways: most denied the allegations, others reappropriated the derogatory label of excuse, while others still accepted criticism and called for a reformation of sociology. These epistemological stances can be properly understood only by studying the long history of debates around 'sociological excuses' in France and by analysing French sociology as a field of forces and struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

English law has traditionally taken little or no notice of freedom of expression.' A right to free speech (or expression) was not typically recognised by common law, unlike, for example, the rights to property and reputation, which are fiercely protected by trespass and libel laws, respectively. There has been no English counterpart to the First Amendment to the United States Constitution, which bans any measure that restricts free speech or press. There isn't even a law like France's 1881 Law of the Press, which officially asserts press freedom and prohibits the licencing of newspapers and magazines. To be sure, there has been no system of official press censorship in place since 1694, and in fact, the media and private publishers in England have undoubtedly had more freedom of expression than in other European countries. Furthermore, as will be explained in Part II of this Article, courts in England, particularly in the last thirty years, have occasionally suggested that the common law did recognise freedom of speech, and that the right could be invoked to shape the interpretation and development of both statutory and common law. However, the freedom lacked a defined constitutional position, making it impossible to foresee when courts would recognise it as relevant in the settlement of specific situations. As a result, publishers could not depend on the right to free expression with certainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Listening experiences provide valuable insights in understanding the meaning of events and shaping the way we remember them afterwards. Listening builds relationships with places and subjectivities. What kinds of relationships and connections are built through listening during an event of extreme violence, such as a terrorist attack? This article examines the relationships between sound, space, and affect through an acoustemology of Bataclan survivors' sensory experiences of both the terrorist attack and its aftermath. I draw on the testimonies of nine survivors of the Bataclan terrorist attack in Paris, which unfolded on the evening of 13 November 2015 during a rock concert, as well as interviews with three parents of survivors and victims. This article explores how the study of listening experiences and aural memories of survivors contributes to understanding mnemonic dynamics and processes of recovery related to sound following violent events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the massive house searches and house arrests that occurred during the state of emergency in France between 2015 and 2017. It draws from critical studies on counterterrorism as well as sociology of the intimate to analyze the aftermath of these measures on the Muslim households that experienced these procedures without being sentenced afterward. It examines how house arrests and searches redefine the respondents' relationships to their domestic space and local environment as these places become spaces of fear, surveillance, discipline, and self-control. The analysis reveals a set of embodied and discursive strategies to prove an innocence that implies a reappropriation of state categories around social integration and the promotion of an acceptable and non-suspect religiosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]