Search

Statistical profiling algorithms claiming to predict which jobseekers are at risk of becoming long‐term unemployed are spread unevenly across countries. However, the pathways and histories of these tools are understudied. Because the profiling path in France is a winding one, it is fruitful to study the production of profiling acceptability within the Public Employment Service (PES), and upstream of its reception by frontline advisers. Using a mix of interviews and written sources, we show that the production of profiling acceptability sits at the crossroads of two processes: technical and political transformations of the instrument itself and broader institutional and managerial transformations of the PES. On the basis of this case study, the paper enriches our understanding of the slow and incremental rationalization of public services that we have termed "professional rationalization." We argue that, far from being a softened or moderated form of bureaucratic rationalization, it is powerful—perhaps even irreversible—precisely because it transforms its target (frontline advisers) before the rationalization instrument is even deployed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with two different political interpretations of presidential power under the Third and Fifth French Republics, which clearly changed the position of the head of state in relation to the letter of constitutional acts that were in force at the time. Both of these interpretations were imposed by the presidents in office in the first years after the proper structures of the system of government had been established. The former (commonly known as the "Grévy Constitution") led to the weakening of presidential power, and the latter (described as the "de Gaulle Constitution") to its strengthening. Particular attention is thus paid to the formation of such particular unwritten norms of constitutional law in rationalized and non-rationalized parliamentary systems. In both cases, their basic feature turned out to be the ability to significantly modify the parliamentary system of government. In the last part of the paper, the stability and durability of the above-mentioned political interpretations of the aforementioned Constitutions are discussed. It is indicated that, in both cases, there were attempts to challenge these non-codified standards. Although the causes of such actions were different from each other, neither brought any meaningful success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with two different political interpretations of presidential power under the Third and Fifth French Republics, which clearly changed the position of the head of state in relation to the letter of constitutional acts that were in force at the time. Both of these interpretations were imposed by the presidents in office in the first years after the proper structures of the system of government had been established. The former (commonly known as the "Grevy constitution") led to the weakening of presidential power, and the latter (described as the "de Gaulle constitution") to its strengthening. Particular attention is thus paid to the formation of such particular unwritten norms of constitutional law in rationalized and non-rationalized parliamentary systems. In both cases, their basic feature turned out to be the ability to significantly modify the parliamentary system of government. In the last part of the paper, the stability and durability of the above-mentioned political interpretations of the aforementioned constitutions are discussed. It is indicated that in both cases there were attempts to challenge these non-codified standards. Although the causes of such actions were different from each other, neither brought any meaningful success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By comparison with 2002 and 2007, does the 2012 presidential election reveal significant changes in French media functioning and their relations with the political sphere? To answer this question, this article challenges four statements heard during the campaign. They deal with the contribution of the media to François Hollande's victory, the way journalists reported on the campaign, the role played by the polls and finally, the candidates' strategies in media agenda setting. Even if the features traditionally ascribed to the French media (social proximity between journalists and politicians, importance of state regulation and public service, orientation toward the intellectual viewpoint in the patterns of media coverage) have not completely vanished, they describe reality less and less. Indeed, as shown in the article, both the media and the political sphere are today subjected to a converging process of rationalization that transforms their practices and mutual relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologie du Travail is the property of Association pour le Developpement de la Sociologie du Travail and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: Laboratory tests usually complete clinical examinations for diagnostic, prognostic and even therapeutical care. However, French doctors might too easily prescribe such examinations without knowing their cost. As a matter of fact, the prescription is sometimes excessive or unjustified. Cardiology is not an exception, with costly laboratory tests., Objective: To show that the relevance of each additional test prescription, in a cardiology department, allows a significant reduction of the examination volumes and costs, with no prejudicial effect on patients' care., Methods: Two consecutive 2-year periods, between November 1st 2011 and October 31st 2015, - before and after the development of a policy of rationalization of additional tests - were compared. All the patients admitted in our cardiology department during these periods were prospectively included.During 4 years, the volume and the cost of prescription of the most frequent laboratory tests were studied, considering successive half-year periods., Results: After rationalizing, there was a significant reduction of prescription of the laboratory tests (CBC -72%, BNP -92%, troponin -82%, CRP -89%, liver test -87%, lipid status -80%, TSH -80%, p<0.01).No serious adverse events were reported and no death rate increase was noticed., Conclusion: Rationalizing allows a significant reduction of complementary examinations, with no additional risk for the patient.