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The article "REVISTA DE REVISTAS" summarizes various studies and analyses on the far-right and the new right in different contexts. Topics such as the growth of the far-right in Italy, the Telegram channel "Identitarian Revolution" and its neo-Nazi message, the nature of the right in Latin America, the alliances between Zionism and the far-right, the impact of radical right on democracy in Europe, and the emergence of new far-right movements globally and in Ibero-America are addressed. These studies analyze the causes, characteristics, and consequences of these political phenomena. It is argued that neoliberalism has undermined shared prosperity and has given rise to proto-fascist forces that threaten freedom. The emergence of new far-right movements in the West, the role of Donald Trump in their resurgence, and the rise of extreme right-wing populism in Spain and its impact on social media are also examined. [Extracted from the article]

For reasons that have more to do with the historiographical traditions of modern Jewish history and the history of critical thought than history itself, Georg Simmel – of Jewish descent – is rarely discussed within the frame of modern Jewish history. Bringing the two together as a theoretical contribution to Simmel studies and modern Jewish history alike, this article explores Simmel's logic of contingency in the context of modern Jewish history. Which forms and types could Jews realistically seek to fulfill from the perspective of Simmel's thought? Which could they hope to escape and what could they expect from the future? The author suggests that in answering these questions we disclose a peculiar notion of 'bounded contingency' embedded in Simmel's positing of a non-binary, 'gray area' between the necessary and the impossible. This hypothesis is tested in several distinct contexts: a letter on Zionism from around 1900; an odd passage on love in the excursus on 'The Stranger' (1908); and a letter on individuals of Jewish background in German academia (1906). Simmel's coherency lies in the 'realist' approach he adopts to reality as the domain of the contingently possible. When applied to Jewish history in general and Zionism in particular, this notion not only explains why Zionism is unfeasible but also demystifies its emergence as an attempt to escape the status of stranger in Europe. It also evinces why this Jewish national enterprise inevitably carried within it the seeds of the problem it sought to solve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the tragic interplay of international law and geopolitics in the Israel/Palestine relationship. Topics include the settler nature of Israel is at the very core of the Zionist movement since its inception in Europe toward the end of the nineteenth century, and the critical interplay between international law and geopolitics exerted a strong influence on the formation and maintenance of the Israeli state.

Based on a wide array of archival sources of the Communist Party of Italy (PCI), the article explores the historical relationship between the Party, Israel and the Jew and focuses on the real motivations behind the current divide between Israel and the European (Communist or former Communist) Left. The articles argues that Communism for Israel has not been lost for the presumed discriminatory attitude of the Jews in the Communist world, nor for historical growing Communist support of Palestinian guerrilla groups, but because of the increasing militarism and nationalism of the Zionist Left and the erosion of Communist and pacifist ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay I expand on the role of the World Jewish Congress (WJC) in the 1940s and 1950s. Its mode of operation during the two decades that followed World War II was markedly different from those that characterized other sections of American Jewry. What set the WJC apart from other Jewish organizations was that its leaders sought not merely to institutionalize the relationship between Israel and American Jewry, but involved themselves in the Jewish world as a whole and in Europe in particular, where they vigorously worked to rehabilitate the post-Holocaust Jewish diaspora and to assist those survivors who wished to do so to reintegrate themselves into Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores how perceptions of Jewish power shaped the negotiations between Czechoslovak leaders and Jewish minority representatives at the time of the Pads Peace Conference. In the aftermath of the First World War, Prague-based Zionists embarked on a mission to convince Czechoslovak elites that attacks on Jews were detrimental to the internal stability of the new state and to Czechoslovak interests abroad. As Edvard Beneš, the head of the Czechoslovak delegation in Paris, worked to cultivate an image of the new state as more "Western" and "civilised" than other successor states - a strategy meant to gamer international support for Czechoslovak territorial demands and its projected absorption of large minority populations - Jewish activists encouraged his uncertainty with regard to Jews' influence on Western audiences and statesmen. They did so in order to convince him to accept their demands for special protection clauses for the new country's Jews. The paper thus shows that the unprecedented victimisation of Jews and the upsurge in antisemitism dtiring and after the war coexisted with a new bold and public Jewish activism. Yet, Jewish leaders did not in the end have the ability to convince Benes and his colleagues to give in to international Jewish demands for special protection. Instead, they sought to cultivate a strategic alliance between the state's Czech elite and the Jewish minority which centred on the claim that Czechoslovakia was a particularly welcoming and tolerant place for Jews, an image that would evolve into a significant component of the myth of Czechoslovakia as an island of democracy in Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ideations of corporeality are situated at the crux of "muscular Judaism" in early twentieth- century Europe. The sporting event was viewed as a battlefield for equalization. In the ideological context of Muskeljudentum, the apathy of Talmudjudentum (Talmudic Judaism) was replaced by exercise, in which the strengthening of the corporeal would rejuvenate the psychical. Jewish strongman Siegmund Breitbart capitalized on his masculine feats of strength and aesthetic appeal by creating public performances, which displayed not only militarized corporeality, but also provided a stage for the promotion of "muscular Judaism," through both symbolic and literal representations of Zionist ideology. Breitbart reappropriated masculine Jewish corporeality, embodied corporeal notions of reciprocity at the core of Muskeljudentum, and found individual agency through the militarized aesthetic and motion of his body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author shares his insights about the book "A Just Zionism: On the Morality of the Jewish State," by Chaim Gans. He concludes that the political decision to create a Jewish homeland led to the mobilizing role of the issue of historical rights for Jews to return to the Holy Land. He points out that the rise of anti-Semitism in Europe, associated with ethnic nationalism, is responsible for the rise of Zionism. He does not believe that the creation of a Jewish state is the only remedy.

Th e utopian Zionism at the end of the 19th century, as a reaction to anti-Semitic nationalisms in Europe, refl ected in its ideology eurocentrism and socialist ideas of the period. During the First World War the British diplomacy created the Palestinian-Israeli confl ict following shortsighted interests. Since then, the confl ict is nourished in a chain reaction by violence and polemics in which reactionaries of both sides fi nd the justifi cation for their existence. In the Jewish state the Zionist dream degenerated into a nightmare. In order to escape this vicious circle Arab and Jewish groups make a call for reasonable arguing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Haskalah", i.e., the Jewish Enlightenment, denotes a movement that was established in Western Europe in the second half of the 18th century. Its purpose was to make Judaism conformable with the conditions of changing and developing world, to diffuse the European culture among the Jews and to integrate them into the societies in which they lived. Through the Haskala movement, which arose in parallel with the European Enlightenment, the Jews broke their crusts and began to assimilate the language, culture, knowledge, and ideals of the European society. Emerged in Western Europe, it later spread to Eastern Europe, and finally in Russia, when the Jews were accused of the assassination of Alexander II, leading to a violent anti-Semitism, it transformed to the Zionist movement. Therefore, the Haskalah movement had a key role not only in the emergence of the Jewish Reform movement but also in the rise of the Zionist thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a report on a conference held at the University of Massachusetts in Boston about the 'One-State Solution for Palestine'. The latter is a response and an alternative to the 'Two-State Solution' favoured by the United States and the international community. Such a solution is losing credibility in terms of its possible implementation by most Arab Palestinians and the vast majority of Arabs. The two-day conference hosted academicians and activists from Palestine, the United States, and Europe defending the 'One-State Solution'. (For further information, see http://www.onestateforpalestineisrael.com/.) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The application of racial categories to the Jews by Zionist physicians and anthropologists in the first half of the twentieth century has been the focus of several recent studies. In these studies ‘nationalism’ serves as the primary explanatory framework for Zionists' embrace of racial concepts. This article focuses on the discourse of Zionist men of science, both in Europe and in Palestine, concerning the repercussions of mixed marriages on Jewish racial qualities. It argues that Zionist racial discourse, and eugenic discourse in particular, cannot be interpreted in terms of ‘nationalism’ alone. In some contexts ‘race’ was used to establish Jewish unity, whereas in others it was used to establish diversity and hierarchy among Jewish groups. This contradictory use of ‘race’ is explained as stemming from the ambiguity of racial categories and from the tension between a nation-building project and a cultural project of Westernization which took place in the context of Zionist colonization in the Orient. Résumé L'application de catégories raciales aux Juifs par les médecins et anthropologues sionistes de la première moitié du XXe siècle a fait l'objet de plusieurs études récentes. Dans celles-ci, le « nationalisme » est le cadre principal d'explication de l'adoption des concepts raciaux par les sionistes. L'auteure se concentre ici sur le discours des hommes de science sionistes, en Europe aussi bien qu'en Palestine, à propos des répercussions des mariages mixtes sur les qualités raciales des Juifs. Elle avance que le discours racialiste sioniste, et en particulier le discours eugénique, ne peut être interprété uniquement en termes de « nationalisme ». Dans certains contextes, la notion de « race » a été utilisée pour établir l'unité des Juifs, mais dans d'autre elle a servi à diversifier et hiérarchiser les groupes juifs. Cet usage contradictoire de la « race » s'expliquerait par l'ambiguïté des catégories raciales et la tension entre un projet de création d'une nation et un projet culturel d'occidentalisation qui s'inscrivait dans le contexte de la colonisation sioniste au Proche-Orient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A culture in a globalizing world can in many ways be characterized by its boundaries. That which is defined as outside or other gives meaning and solidity to the ideas and affiliations that give members a sense of belonging and solidarity. However, these boundaries are ever changing due to internal innovation, external influence and the creative tension that exists between these. Thus, when a new solidarity group emerges that confronts and challenges previously existing axes of orientation it does not merely replace one ethos with its own. Rather, it penetrates the porous walls of surrounding groups and exports new commentaries and world-views while at the same time importing outright members. In this process, multiple synthesis communities apart from both the original new and old circles are possible. The history of intellectual and programmatic Labor Zionism is an appropriate example of this process. Neither fully Socialist nor Jewish, according to the official representative bodies of these solidarity networks and only later to the Labor Zionist themselves, they forged a coherent, separate cultural world-view and physical network. These were surely based upon members' roots in the Eastern European Jewish shetls and formative experiences in the socialist movements of late 19th century Europe, but existed in their final form as quite separate, both ideologically and organizationally. The implications of this synthesis had far ranging effects, both for the meaning of Marxism and for the cleavages of Israeli politics and society. This paper addresses the movement of people and ideas at the periphery, beyond the borders separating cultures and communities and into the new space created by the tension of overlapping identities and histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Zionism's call for a Jewish return to ‘the East’ was rooted in part in a broader European fascination with ‘the Orient’. This interest in ‘the East’ coincided in time and in much of its imagery with a conceptual division of Europe itself into its ‘western’ and ‘eastern’ parts. The Jews were deeply implicated in these twin conceptualizations of ‘the Orient’ and of Europe's own orient at home (referred to at times as halbasien, or half-Asia). The notion that Jews – particularly those of eastern Europe – ;constituted a semi-Asiatic, foreign element in European society became a pervasive trope by the latter part of the century, and one to which Zionist thought and praxis sought to respond in a variety of ways. When Zionists in Palestine, mostly eastern European Jews transplanted further east yet to the ‘Orient’, set out to create a new Hebrew national culture there, competing images of occident and Orient – resonating with a wide range of racial, social political, and cultural overtones – would play defining roles in their praxis and in the cultural institutions, the rituals, and the national liturgy they would fashion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Candidates for admission to the Agricultural College for Young Women at Nahalal expressed the sensibilities of a generation of young Jewish women who were attracted to the Zionist movement in the late 1920s. Zionism offered them the chance to create a novel identity for women as equals of men by devoting their labor to the settlement project. Hopeful applicants embraced an energetic ideal of self-sufficiency that blurred the traditional gender boundaries both of Palestine and of Europe. Like their male colleagues, they spoke in the public and universal voice of ideology and tied their desire for equality to the nation's bandwagon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares European and Middle Eastern anti-Semitism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. From the 1870s through the 1930s, in parallel fashion anti-Semitism became a mobilizing, all-embracing ideology in Europe, while the Arab world witnessed an eruption of anticolonial and nationalist sentiment, often directed against the Zionist project. Arab anti-Semitism featured the irrational and fantastic qualities of its European counterpart, but it took form against the reality of the Zionist project. The article draws a distinction between the realms of systemic intolerance, aggravated by socio-economic crisis, and political strife, driven by discrete events and policies. Its main sources are fin-de-siècle European anti-Semites' writings on Zionism, which are shown to be fundamentally different from the anti-Zionist rhetoric emanating from the Middle East at that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores two different modes of revenge practiced by Jewish soldiers and partisans in post-Nazi Europe. The first, revenge proper, involved the targeting and killing of individual war criminals. The second, vengeance, sought in its most extreme form, to repay the German people as a whole. The paper questions the common understanding of these events as spontaneous acts of violence emerging from a universal wish for justice. Vengeance and revenge are better understood as planned and historically bound attempts of modern-national Jews not only to achieve justice but more importantly to form a new Jewish identity based on active resistance rather than passive suffering. The paper concludes by suggesting some broader implications of this history, and offers to see vengeance and revenge as a vantage point from which Zionism and more generally the liberal nation-state and its promise for justice can be assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the comparison between Zionism and European nationalism. Features of Zionism and European nationalism; Necessity for the comparison between Zionism and European nationalism.

An essay is presented which analyzes Zionist leader Max Nordau's promotion of physical, psychological, and social strength among Jews. Using the term "muscle Jewry," Nordau support a regeneration of Jews that coincided with the goals of the Zionist movement, drawing inspiration from Jewish tradition and history as well as national identity. The author examines topics such as antisemitism across Europe, Nordau's book "Degeneration," and the body culture of German Zionism.

The article discusses the complexity of the process of Jewish immigration to Palestine at the beginning the twentieth century. The immigrants have experienced bureaucratic difficulties in their journey. The rise of prostitution and white slave trade in Palestine have shown that not all people who came to the country were inspired by the vision of Zionism. Majority of the immigrants were unfortunate people who have left Europe in the hope of finding livelihood and better opportunities in Palestine.

Focuses on the century of emancipation of the European Jews in Europe. Impact of the Enlightenment and Emancipation on Zionism; Implications of the French Revolution on the rights of citizenship of the Jews; History on the triumph of liberalism during the French Revolution.

The article focuses on pre-Zionist writings of Max Nordau, the 1880s and early 1890s foremost cultural icon in Jewish intellectual assimilation. Nordau's work embodies contradictions created by Jewish desires for assimilation while his speeches to Zionist congresses and writings address the dilemmas of the existence of Jews in postemancipation Europe. P.M. Baldwin, a historian, argues that the interest of Nordau in antisemitism and Judaism is negligible in his pre-Zionist writings. On the other hand, Nordau's pre-Zionist cultural criticisms show his attempt to resolve the paradox of the assimilated intellectual of male Jews.