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In 2020, Europe announced the New European Bauhaus (NEB). While the initiative intends to achieve EU sustainability goals, framing it under the name of the Bauhaus brings various challenges and issues to the fore. In this article, we analyze the critiques of the original Bauhaus and the NEB to understand the challenges that the NEB lighthouse project Bauhaus of the Seas Sails (BoSS) inherits by adhering to the Bauhaus vision and name. We unveil the problematic dynamics of Eurocentric modernity's myths of universalism and better living through technology and on the Bauhaus's and NEB's position in global power structures. Instead of assuming a tabula rasa approach and replicating problematic structures unknowingly, we bring these three aspects to BoSS to find questions as orientation points to help steer away from problematic aspects inherited by reanimating the Bauhaus name and its legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Missionaries played a significant role as conveyors of transcultural exchanges between Europe and China. The Basel Mission, one of the major German-speaking mission agency to China which worked among the Hakka people in the Canton Province, was a leading actor in transcultural exchanges. Thus, Basel missionaries in China sent artifacts regularly to their homeland as part of the transcultural exchanges between China and Europe in the 19th Century. Using diverse approaches including museums and traveling exhibitions, missionaries transmitted Chinese culture to the public in German-speaking Europe not only to win support for its mission enterprise but also to expose the people to exotic Chinese culture. How did the mission agency organize Chinese exhibits to transmit Chinese culture? What was the image of Chinese culture that the Basel Mission constructed in German-speaking Europe? This article investigates these questions through material archival sources drawn from the Basel Mission Archives and Chinese artifacts conserved at the Museum of Cultures in Basel. The article concludes by arguing that the Basel missionaries constructed an image of a “heathen civilization” in German-speaking Europe. Yet on the other hand, the exhibitions provided a limited window for the public to open their horizons and shape their Eurocentrism identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the leading interpretations of Islamophobia in Europe is anti-Muslim racism. Scholars who conceptualize Islamophobia as a form of racism typically draw on the theoretical framework of cultural racism to contend that Muslims in Europe are discriminated against not only on the basis of religion and culture, but also on the basis of physical features or ancestry. This strand of contention is based on the fact that most Muslims in Europe are non-white immigrants from Asia, Africa and the Middle East and, as a consequence, generally appear phenotypically different from the white majority in European societies. In this article, Ejiofor argues that, even though the theoretical cultural racism framework utilized by some European and other western scholars to analyse Islamophobia in Europe is quite pertinent to some forms of Islamophobia in European or western societies, it does not apprehend the lived experiences of discrimination against Muslims in many non-European societies. Ejiofor contends that the cultural racism framework tends to sidestep the fact that Islamophobia is a global phenomenon that occurs in some non-European societies where colour racism is non-existent, where race―or racial identity―is not a relevant social category, and where discrimination against Muslims hardly has anything to do with whiteness or non-whiteness. What, then, does Islamophobia look like in some non-European contexts where racism―as the term is ordinarily used in Europe to refer to discrimination of peoples based on physical traits or ancestry―does not make sense? Drawing on the Nigerian context, in which discrimination against Muslims reflects ethnoreligious and ethnoregional conflicts arising from the complex political history of the Nigerian state, Ejiofor posits that Islamophobia in some non-European societies is about tribalism, as it involves the grouping of Muslims into a single tribe and associating Muslimness with terrorism despite the absence of racial identity. He proposes the novel framework of anti-Muslim tribalism so as to capture Islamophobia beyond the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term postmigration was developed in Europe and has also received attention beyond the German-speaking context in recent years. It covers various aspects and allows for a discussion of social, political and cultural contexts, which can generally be described as counter-hegemonic knowledge production. It re-interprets and re-contextualizes historical, as well as current developments in immigration societies. Since postmigration has certain analogies with the discourse on postcolonialism, we will first deal with Eurocentric ideology related to postcolonialism. Subsequently, we will present the basic concepts of postmigration and address their relevance for critical and contemporary research in migration studies and social analysis. Thus, postmigration, through an aesthetic, material and affective intervention in the practical field, opens up new possibilities for political modes of resistance and subjectification beyond hegemonic interpretations of belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although firmly established as a global norm, the Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS) has been largely driven by the global North attempting to solve insecurities in the global South. Postcolonial feminist research shows that this western-centrism and colonial legacies continue to dominate both WPS practices and knowledge production. This article focuses on WPS in central Europe, a previously ignored 'non-region' that remains outside the North–South divide. Combining postcolonial and decolonial approaches with feminist institutionalism, we interrogate what WPS becomes in the Czech, Polish and Slovakian contexts characterized by illiberal populist and anti-gender governance and politics. Building on interviews with key stakeholders, on document analysis and our own encounters, we argue that the three countries understand WPS as key to their western belongingness and reliability as international partners. As a result, they replicate rather than challenge 'western' WPS thinking. The resulting National Action Plans are centred around women's participation and security problems 'out there'. This lack of localization enables them to stay immune to the anti-gender alliances, but limits the engagement of feminist civil society. Amidst Russian imperial aggression, central Europe's WPS agendas serve as mere paper tigers and are failing to address the multitude of domestic and regional gendered insecurities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Historiae Scientiarum is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Artl@s Bulletin is the property of Purdue University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Tom Lanoye's 'theatre novella' Fort Europa: Hooglied van Versplintering (Fortress Europe: A Canticle of Fragmentation) (2005) features a range of characters who probe Europe's possible future by turning to its past. The Eurocentric heritage narratives on which they draw perpetuate an idea of Europe as a civilization founded on Christianity and on the Enlightenment and racially defined as White. The way in which Lanoye stages these conservative narratives and the way in which he employs irony, however, invites critical reflection, thus calling for a postcolonial perspective on Europe and on European heritage. We approach Fortress Europe as a literary text that reflects on and intervenes in dominant heritage discourses. Through close reading, we investigate how this work stages and engages with European heritage and how it thereby explores specific ideas about European culture and identity. Our focus is on the literary means by which Lanoye reflects on the place of heritage in narratives of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the central themes in the works of Claudio Magris through a critical reading of Danube, A Different Sea, Microcosms, Utopia e disincanto [Utopia and disenchantment], Blindly, Journeying, and Alfabeti [Alphabets]. Magris's work, be it his fiction or essays, abounds with descriptions and narrations of spaces and places, which become central to his world-view as an author. These spaces and places, located primarily in Central Europe and in the surroundings of his own city, Trieste, inspired his turn to Eastern Europe, including the Slavic countries. Conscious of the Western Europeans' often condescending view of the East, Magris became a vocal critic of Western Eurocentrism, which he attributed to their insufficient familiarity with the cultures and histories of their Eastern neighbours. Magris's primary interest has always been Europe's ethnic and cultural coexistence, with a particular affinity with dissident, nationless, and exiled literary figures, in line with his notion of hybrid, fluid, and multiple identities. The works of Magris offer compelling reflections on a Europe viewed through the contradictory encounters between East and West. As such they have contributed to the gradual creation of hybrid identities, which, through their historical palimpsests, have become part of a broader cultural geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Histories and stories of Europe's two "World" Wars are generally centered on narratives that privilege metropolitan empire perspectives over the perspectives of their satellite countries and their societies. As Spivak correctly observes, European and American academic writing is produced to support the economic interests of these countries. Similarly, knowledge or information is never innocent as it expresses the interests of its producers. It has invariably been in the interest of Eurocentric academic chroniclers of the Europe's "World" Wars to write Africa's contributions out of the dominant narratives of those wars. Just like European military regiments containing African soldiers and soldiers of African descent, who fought in Europe's second "World" War and enabled Allied Powers' victory over Nazi Germany and its Axis Powers allies, were "bleached" off every post-victory battle photographs of the War, the dominant narratives of the two "World" Wars are "bleached" to rid them of Africa's economic contributions to the successful prosecution of both wars. This article represents an intervention to de -center such dominant albeit erroneous narratives on both wars. It brings focus on Africa's economic contributions to the war efforts with the underscoring argument that but for Africa's economic contributions, Africa's European colonizers could not have achieved victory over Germany in both wars. The article advocates a de-centering agenda, which stems from postcolonial studies and theoretical framework as a useful tool for such corrective scholarship endeavor. The conclusive argument is that Africa's economic contribution to the successful prosecution of Europe's "World Wars" is primarily phenomenal rather than epiphenomenal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of eHumanista is the property of Professor Antonio Cortijo-Ocana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Analisi: Quaderns de Comunicacio i Cultura is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines how judicial human rights in Europe have adopted the security politics that have swept across Europe in recent years and how, through the European Court of Human Rights' (ECtHR)decision-making over the veil they have contributed to the precarity of the Muslim woman's body. While suffering from stigmatization through securitization of the veil (I am using 'veil' to describe various garments such as the hijab, niqab and burqa. For the purposes of this article, this is a useful shorthand), covered Muslim women's (The concept of Muslim women is a misnomer because it suggests that Muslim women constitute a homogeneous group when they are not. Without denying their heterogeneity, its use here is suggestive of the way it is used by securitizing agents and narratives) attempts at strategic human rights litigation against bans on their clothing, including landmark cases such as SAS v. France, have failed. Institutional human rights in Europe have hijacked national governments' security narratives and thus been complicit in furthering the bodily vulnerability of covered Muslim women by sanctioning the public stripping of their clothing. This transgresses human rights' fundamental, normative, commitment to preventing bodily wounding. It exposes the conditionality and limitation of judicial human rights and endorses an idealized version of the exposed woman as free and equal. Moreover, by abandoning its role as neutral arbiter or audience, the ECtHR exposes human rights' ongoing link with neo-colonialism. The Court's decision-making raises the question of how veiled women might mobilize to desecuritize the veil. I suggest a return to the politics of rights combined with the "rebellious cosmopolitanism" resonant with Camus' politics to mount relentless protests against governance feminism and the Eurocentrism of institutional human rights for a return to "normal politics". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 15th anniversary of the European Society for the History of Science (ESHS), one can definitely say that this relatively young society has come of age. Through regular meetings, a journal, a prize, fellowships and various other activities, the ESHS has been striving to create a space fostering diversity, plurality and internationalization among historians of science, located in Europe and elsewhere. This paper revisits my own research on the past of the sciences in Portugal, examining in particular the role of the 18th century naturalist and diplomat Abbé Correia da Serra. As a member of an extended network of estrangeirados (Europeanized intellectuals), Correia da Serra played a decisive role in the circulation of knowledge in Europe and also in the world, a role forgotten by his peers within the time interval of a generation. This case study acts as a springboard to discuss the importance of geographical and methodological diversity in the past of the sciences in Europe. In the present historiographical predicament in which the international community finds itself, I advocate that one of the main challenges faced by the ESHS is to turn its historical gaze to Europe again, while fiercely repudiating Eurocentrism. This enables to show how much the building of the European spaces of scientific practice were never a prerogative of a few regions or a small set of countries, but, on the very contrary, took shape as the result of complex interactions between diverse spaces and cultures, not only intra‐European but also non‐European. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economic History Research / Investigaciones de Historia Económica is the property of Asociacion Espanola de Historia Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Migration and border scholars have argued that the Europeanization and securitization of borders and migration have led to forms of population regulation that constitute a questionable divide between EU and non-EU groups, as well as between different non-EU groups. This paper argues that these processes have impacted not only centrifugally, on non-EU populations, but also centripetally, on the 'intra-EU' divide regarding minorities such as Europe's Muslims and Roma. I explain how a de-nationalization of the concepts and methods of migration and border studies-beyond methodological nationalism and Eurocentrism-sheds light on the under-researched impact of the EU's external border regime on minoritized EU citizens. I introduce the notion of 'evictability' to articulate this de-nationalization and discuss the case study of Europe's Romani minority to show how contemporary forms of securitization further divide Europe bio-politically along intra-European lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that critiques of neoliberalism tend to rely on and reproduce the coloniality of knowledge. It analyzes how recent academic scholarship has mobilized the notion of neoliberalism to make sense of postsocialist transformations and identifies in it an epistemological meta-geography that reproduces the three-worlds scheme, a specific Cold War era articulation of the colonial matrix of power. The article traces various ways in which this meta-geography has structured academic debates on postsocialist neoliberalism. It emphasizes the importance of moving beyond the spatial and temporal infrastructure of the three worlds, and identifies a set of epistemological alternatives that would enable decentering this infrastructure. In conclusion, the paper argues that although postsocialism has received relatively little attention in attempts to decolonize knowledge, it has potential to serve as a critical form of thought in destabilizing Eurocentric assumptions in theorizing neoliberalism and opening up spaces for imagining the world differently. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We would like to think a little about Turkey and Europe's common roots.1 This is an important topic both for Turkey and Europe, and, in a wider sense, for the West and the Near East. The term 'Near East' is of course Eurocentric, meaning the region near to, but East of, Europe. Turkey is somehow situated between these two regions and cannot be said to entirely belong to one or the other.2 The question of whether Turkey belongs to Europe or not is frequently asked but never satisfactorily answered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the historical turn in IR has produced significant advances in historicising both international relations and the discipline itself, the way in which the Middle Ages have been approached, studied, and referenced even in this historically-informed scholarship unwittingly works to reinforce two myths that these scholars challenge: Eurocentrism and Orientalism. The main goal of this article is to problematise the uses of the medieval that reinforce these narratives by unpacking the linguistic and conceptual constructions that underpinned the interactions between Latin Christendom and rest of the world. In doing so, it makes two closely-connected arguments: first, drawing from the abundant literature on historical sociology and Eurocentrism, it argues that we cannot understand medieval Europe, and particularly European identityformation, without paying attention to its relations with the non-Christian world. Secondly, and most crucially, it shows that these interactions never rested on the unified idea of an 'infidel enemy' that seems to emanate from the IR crusading literature. Rather, an examination of the constructions of Jews and Muslims in canon law shows an extremely nuanced and varied conceptual apparatus that creates several dynamics of Othering - and consequently allows for a variety of ways of relating ranging from toleration and coexistence to conquest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical perspectives in mental health and the highly influential contributions of those who identify with and/or ally with the psychiatric-survivor, consumer-survivor, ex-patient, or mad movements have provoked an appreciation of the many exposed epistemological, methodological, and ethical issues that (re)produce violence within biomedical psychiatry. What is often left uninterrogated is the reliance on a Eurocentric conceptualization of history within articulations of struggle and when attending to the political and social contexts of critique. The effect of this enduring Eurocentrism is often an inattention to the complicit influences of colonial and imperial projects on the practices and technologies of dehumanization, taxonomization, and the establishment of human hierarchies to rationalize violence through the implementation of racial and eugenic rationale. The imperative of this attention to Eurocentrism is suggested from a synthesis of contributions from critical mental health, postcolonial, and critical race literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Approaching the centenary of its establishment as a formal discipline, International Relations today challenges the ahistorical and aspatial frameworks advanced by the theories of earlier luminaries. Yet, despite a burgeoning body of literature built on the transdisciplinary efforts bridging International Relations and its long-separated nomothetic relatives, the new and emerging conceptual frameworks have not been able to effectively overcome the challenge posed by the ‘non-West’. The recent wave of international historical sociology has highlighted possible trajectories to problematise the myopic and unipolar conceptions of the international system; however, the question of Eurocentrism still lingers in the developing research programmes. This article interjects into the ongoing historical materialist debate in international historical sociology by: (1) conceptually and empirically challenging the rigid boundaries of the extant approaches; and (2) critically assessing the postulations of recent theorising on ‘the international’, capitalist states-system/geopolitics and uneven and combined development. While the significance of the present contributions in international historical sociology should not be understated, it is argued that the ‘Eurocentric cage’ still occupies a dominant ontological position which essentially silences ‘connected histories’ and conceals the role of inter-societal relations in the making of the modern states-system and capitalist geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay highlights an important lacuna within critiques of infantilizing (neo) colonial European discourses: the failure to question whom or what was the ‘child’ against which non-Europeans were gauged. The premise is that the unacknowledged figure at the heart of these critiques is in fact the figure of the universalized European child. Not only is this paradoxical, it also opens the potential for taking these critiques further, and for shifting the analytical lens away from the racialized, infantilized Other in order to challenge the assumed universality of European notions of childhood against which the Other was, and sometimes remains, positioned. We develop this critique through a sympathetic engagement with broader postcolonial writings on the subject of infantilization and, specifically, with Dipesh Chakrabarty's Provincializing Europe (2000). The essay reveals the paradoxical presence of the figure of the European child within Chakrabarty's critique of Eurocentrism, arguing that this figure is present even as Chakrabarty seeks to provincialize Europe. The essay explores examples of the work that the figure of the universal European child continues to perform and concludes with some reflections on what it might mean to provincialize the European child, both for postcolonial theory and for the broader ethical issues this raises. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

El artículo discurre sobre el concepto del ciudadano en India, el universalismo agonístico y el feminismo. La autora comenta sobre el eurocentrismo, la historia de Europa y el liberalismo. Otros temas incluyen los derechos civiles en Europa, el cambio social y la constitución en India.

All human beings are indigenous because everyone originates somewhere and is therefore indigenous there. However, the imperialist reason of Europe refuses to be confined geographically, making global claims to universalism in its knowledge-power axes even while remaining peculiar, especially from the points of view of the rest of us who wonder where to place the emphasis in Eurocentric criminal justice systems. This papyrus will remind us of the old African saying that no palm is big enough to hide the sky and so even the good qualities of European empires of law would never be enough to meet the needs of the entire world. The papyrus will emphasize what the world could learn by rejecting Eurocentrism and by bending down low to learn what others know, as Bob Marley called for. The papyrus will conclude with emphasis on lessons from Africa-centered philosophies of justice that run the risk of being lost due to the onslaught of white supremacy in jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Heritage studies is yet to have a debate about its theorisation at the global level. Many of the core ideas that shape the field are rooted in the contexts of Europe and the USA and geographically rolled out in normative ways. This paper argues it is important we embark on pluralising how heritage is studied and theoretically framed, in ways that better address the heterogeneous nature of heritage, for both the West and the non-West. The themes of modernity, cities and international cultural policy provide evidence of why we need to better position the academic study of heritage in relation to the rapid geo-political and geo-cultural shifts now taking place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Umberto Eco's statement 'the language of Europe is translation' suggests that translation is one of the main assets of daily communication in Europe. While such a statement undoubtedly is a stand against national - or, in many instances, nationalistic - language cultures, it also raises a series of questions which can be discussed within a re-formulation of EST's aims and scope: Which 'Europe' is meant here? What sort of translation concept underpins this statement? In which way do migration movements shape today's translation landscapes? What are the control mechanisms behind the phenomenon of translation understood in Eco's sense? This paper discusses the limits of Europeanness and its potentially transgressive nature against the backdrop of EST's founding moment in Vienna and the city's central shaping force in pluricultural issues in the Habsburg Monarchy. It argues that translation has the task of breaking the deadlock of identitarian differences and the political practices based on them. So, what is the impact of these reflections for future activities in EST? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on some findings of a comparative study carried out by a network of scholars and researchers who are active in the field of intercultural education in the European context in the main ‘old immigration countries’ (United Kingdom, France and Germany), ‘new immigration countries’ (Italy, Spain and Greece) and some northern European countries (Netherlands and Sweden). The scholars involved in the study highlight that a structural ‘segregation’ of students with different cultural and social backgrounds can be largely observed in European schools. In fact, the long tradition of cultural and language homogeneity in several European education systems has in many cases led to the isolation of immigrant students in schools when they are placed in the contexts of lower social and economic opportunities. Another issue highlighted by the study relates to social equity as a major challenge for intercultural education. Inequalities between immigrant students and their native peers must be addressed by an intercultural approach that is able not only to promote cultural understanding but can also provide effective opportunities for immigrant students, challenging the problems of lack of achievement among immigrant students. A gap between statements of intercultural principles and assimilationist practices has also emerged from the study. Principles on intercultural perspectives in Europe often appear to be very innovative and exist on a progressive and democratic level. However, in the European context, real practices are often implemented under ‘assimiliationist’ and ‘compensatory’ viewpoints. Finally, the study raises fundamental questions about the critical revision of the project of European society. Indeed, one of the major current challenges in European education systems will be overcoming a persistent Eurocentric setting, building effective responses for all the students and providing all the pupils with skills that are indispensable for full active citizenship in an interdependent and pluralistic Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The accession of the Republic of Cyprus to the European Union in 2004 was anticipated to be a ‘catalytic’ factor in developments towards a solution of the Cyprus problem at the political level. Within education, it was also seen as an opportunity for addressing diversity in a historically ethnocentric educational system through the introduction of a European dimension. Against this background, this article explores Greek-Cypriot children’s discourses about national others by drawing upon two sets of data collected in two studies of roughly seven years apart. Despite the different theoretical and methodological approaches of the two studies, and despite the temporal distance between them (almost three and a half years before and after Cyprus’s EU accession respectively), the concept of ‘Europe’ was mobilised by children in highly similar ways to distinguish, evaluate and hierarchise various others and to re-produce ethnic, racial, and Eurocentric stereotypes against national outgroups and their immigrant classmates from diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

For the last two centuries, "the West" has meant far more than a mere geographical area. Europe's centrality has been emphasized in the production of culture, civilization, technology and scientific knowledge and has also created a high-level of perception within various activities. Colonialism, capitalism, industrialism, Orientalism and globalization have all played a dominant role in the formation of this perception. The purpose for the existence of almost all societies around the world has been reduced to the European mindset, effort and culture by these means. There is a swift progression through a cultural uniform world with extreme forcement by Europe. Education is one of the most important devices in this process. Europe started to implement a significant educational program since after the Industrial Revolution in order to maintain its current advantages and work towards improved conditions. Europe shaped its own society in the way it intended mainly through modern education. Correspondingly, non-Western societies have willfully become supporters of Europa. This process continues onto a global scale with all its delicacy, philosophical background, and inclusiveness. In this paper, modern education, which has been shaped by the European mentality is criticized by using secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Modernity/Coloniality/Decoloniality (MCD) research program is a collective project associated with Latin America. In addition to a critique of Eurocentric 'colonial modernity,' the project highlights non-Eurocentric forms of knowing and being in the world. It also aims to foster alternative or decolonial thinking emerging from the lived colonial experiences of those situated 'outside' Europe. This last is what MCD proponents claim differentiates it from postcolonial critiques of modernity with their emphasis on deconstruction. This review provides a brief but critical overview of the MCD project's parameters and claims. It makes a cautionary call to those tempted by 'alternatives to modernity,' who might want to uncritically adopt alternative decolonial thinking. It concludes with a call for a closer and critical engagement with Latin American decolonial ideas and those they contest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the Eurovision Song Contest and focuses on the two editions of the event immediately before and after the fall of the Berlin Wall, i.e. the 1989 contest that was held in Lausanne and the 1990 contest in Zagreb. It attempts to figure out the different kinds of Europeanness that were outlined on the Eurovision stage before the remapping of Europe during the early 1990s. Reading closely the conformist and narcissistic Eurocentrism of the 1989 contest, as well as the touristic and sometimes patronizing attitude vis-à-vis Europe of the 1990 contest, it spells out some ways in which an emblematic televised show understood its own political dimension and reacted to the emerging realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the limits of postcolonial International Relations’ anti-Eurocentrism through an interrogation of its ambivalent relation with the category of ‘the universal.’ It argues that a decisive defeat of Eurocentrism, within and beyond International Relations, requires the formulation of a non-ethnocentric international social theory which postcolonial approaches, à la poststructuralism, reject on the grounds that it involves the idea of the universal equated with socio-cultural homogeneity. Yet, postcolonial approaches also theorize colonial modernity through deploying forms of methodological internationalism that broach the universal. Through a critical engagement with the wider field of postcolonial theory, and an anatomy of the notion of the universal in Hegel and Trotsky, this article argues that homogeneity is not an intrinsic quality of the concept of the universal, but a result of its specifically internalist mode of construction. Supplanting Eurocentrism therefore requires an explicit theoretical incorporation of the universal. But one which is fundamentally rethought away from being an immanent self-transcendence of the particular, and re-comprehended as a radical amenability to, and constitutiveness of, alterity. This is, the article argues, a defining feature of Trotsky’s idea of uneven and combined development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of ÖZP - Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Oesterreichische Zeitschrift fur Politikwissenschaft and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The role of Europe and Europeans in the archaeology of post-1500 history has recently been critiqued. Some research has been pejoratively labeled Eurocentrism. This paper addresses the problems with adopting an emotional understanding of Eurocentrism and argues instead for its archaeological examination within the framework of an explicit rnultiscalar modern-world (historical) archaeology. An example comes from seventeenth-century Dutch settlements located in and around present-day Albany, New York. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies human migration in relation to 'Europe' and 'Africa' (as ideas, spaces and places) via the problematic of Eurocentrism. Its premise is a strong sense that the emerging European populations will soon be those whose heritage is from the South, who have grown up with and continuously access knowledge about different types of non-European cinemas, who view differently configured visual references, who bring a potential for new knowledge to film/visual culture studies. Specifically, the article experiments with three encounters - UK (United Kingdom) academia, so-called peripheral cinema, and historical connections between Europe and Africa - through wide factual contexts, specific historical trajectories and the notion of diaspora, so as to place migration studies and film/visual culture studies in dialogue. At the same time, it rejects liberalism and fundamentalism, and questions methodological orthodoxy in studies of human migration. The article is a (methodological) contact zone that draws from varied sources, including Derrida's notion of contretemps/ being out of step; Paul Feyerabend's (in)famous concept of 'anything goes' (essential to enriching one's look at the material of history); Slavoj Žižek's take on fatality as a critical notion; film theory and migration theory; European histories; and African philosophers. Thus, the article attempts to make disciplines borderless, while calling for 'film' to be repositioned within the wider field of 'visual culture' so that, between it (i.e. film) and migration, multiple transformative border crossings, rather than the usual splits and retreats into fortified (sub-)discipline(d) camps, may take place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, a trend of multiculturalism in world history has enjoyed a largely uncontested rise to prominence. Its main aim has been to challenge Eurocentrism. Its main achievement is to have issued a corrective in early modern economic history: prior to the industrial revolution, there were numerous economic parallels between Europe and Asia, particularly China. But multicultural world history is now under greater scrutiny and challenge for marginalizing the West and downplaying numerous non-economic divergences of the West. In response, a post-multicultural world history is now emerging. Its most important work so far is Ricardo Duchesne's The Uniqueness of Western Civilization (2011). The main achievement of post-multicultural world history is to have established that there were numerous critical noneconomic divergences between Europe and other regions. The West was both peculiar and inventive across many domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of multiculturalism in European civilization, with a particular focus on its relationship to modern, post-modern, and Enlightenment philosophies. It is suggested that in the 1960s, European nation-states began a failed attempt to bring together multiculturalism, totalitarianism, and Enlightenment ideas of individualism. According to the author, these policies have proved themselves to be to the detriment of Western culture and have produced significant social conflicts. Other topics include globalization, neoliberalism, Marxism, and immigration.

Drawing on the work of cultural anthropologists Clifford Geertz and Marshall Sahlins, I suggest a layered conceptualization of diplomacy as consisting of myths, sociabilities and practices which allows us to open the question of diplomacy’s Euro-centrism to empirical scrutiny. As do all known diplomatic systems, European diplomacy has its roots in the social systems of kinship and religion. It is rooted in Christian mythology, and this mythology informs its sociabilities and practices. Three mini-case studies (of diplomatic immunity, permanent representation and the institution of dean of the corps diplomatique) demonstrate that this mythology shines through in present-day diplomacy as well. Since diplomatic practices bear the mark of a European cultural context, it privileges the life chances of those native to that context. In this sense, diplomacy is Euro-centric. I then go on to argue that, empirically, this does not seem to be a particularly pressing problem. The real problem may be external to diplomacy itself, and concern the idea that European diplomacy was uniquely peaceful. As I demonstrate by means of a mini-study of Iroquois diplomacy, this is simply not the case. If the erroneous idea of uniquely peaceful European diplomacy is paired up with a framing of relations between European and non-European polities in terms of peaceful diplomacy, the result may easily be that we occlude other aspects of those relations, such as conquest and colonialization. The Euro-centrism of diplomacy that matters is thus less to do with diplomatic practices than with mnemonic practices about diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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The article discusses the concept and accusation of Eurocentrism against French philosopher Emmanual Levinas. Topics covered include Levinas as a major figure in the anti-Eurocentric academic discourse, the reason why he admires Europe, and his suggestion that Europe needs to recognize a different kind of love.

Is it Eurocentric on the part of western philosophers (Habermas, Derrida) or of researchers in human sciences to set out from a specific locality (Europe) to formulate ethico-political ideals with universal aspirations? In this article, I critique the ‘universalism vs. particularism’ framework within which the charge of Eurocentrism is deployed and I redefine the notion of Eurocentrism outside the drastic choice between universalism and particularism and in light of an ‘ec-centric’ reflection on the entanglement of the ‘We’ and the ‘others’. I illustrate my position by discussing the Habermasian–Derridean plea for the determination of new European political responsibilities beyond any Eurocentrism. I grant that the two philosophers go indeed beyond Eurocentrism as the latter is usually understood, i.e. along the axis ‘universal–particular’. Yet, without minimizing their political contribution, I detect subtler Eurocentrisms that pervade several assumptions of Habermas’s and Derrida’s collaborative efforts. I argue that a hasty enlisting of possibilities for a politically and morally pertinent European intervention in world affairs fails to account for other, more necessary steps in the direction of reforming the western consciousness and of going beyond less easily discernible Eurocentrisms such as those theorized within the proposed, reformulated notion. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper highlights the gap in current indicator-based approaches to address intangible cultural impacts and traditional owner values and ontologies in the development and management of tourism. Present approaches to management and assessment of tourism impacts on indigenous land and sea country (where "country" denotes Aboriginal space and place) are heavily influenced by "objective" science-driven approaches which rationalize and instrumentalize human-nature relationships into measurable units and quantifiable methods and indicators. They reflect a western Eurocentric cultural framework that erases indigenous peoples' worldviews, associations and relationships, viewing indigenous spaces as ecological landscapes rather than as culture-scapes in which "nature" and "culture" are inseparable and rules for access apply. Based on a case study from the Kimberley coastal region of Australia, this paper finds that the "wicked problem" of tourism access without traditional owner permission, a long- standing unresolved issue, continues to be the overarching cultural impact on traditional owners and precludes the finer scale assessment of site-based impacts. The manifestations of the impacts of unsanctioned access range from the scale of individual persons to regional climatic effects and are deeply embedded in the traditional owner ontology. It concludes that, first, there are essential prerequisites to the development of effective local-scale sustainabilitv indicators of intangible cultural impacts of tourism. Second, the paper highlights an urgent need for working within (rather than on) indigenous ontologies in order to overcome the continuing embeddedness of colonizing practices in reductionist indicator-based approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the new academic achievements by scholars of the California School, this article aims to introduce the new progress in comparative studies on the socioeconomic developments in China and the West. It also tries, with new breakthroughs in methodology and challenges to European centrism, to analyze and summarize the changes as well as trends of research paradigms in the field of world economic history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on several choices available to ordinary citizens and cultural agents in Europe who are subject or expose to an increasingly multilingual environment. It mentions that Europeans are subjected to linguistic decisions accompanied by the social phenomenon of object representation of cultural production and literary and cinematic productions. It discusses the scenario of pluralism in the European literature

An essay that examines the concept of modernity is presented. It discusses the role that European colonialism played in the spread of modernity throughout history, while also noting that the violence and domination that accompanied this colonizing process was not an invention of the West. It discusses problems with the Eurocentric modernization theory of development and suggests that a self-critical Eurocentrism that appreciates different views would produce better historical accounts.

Developments in East Asia strengthen the claims of 'ConflictSpace.' The contrast between general war in 1914 and the limited Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 may be explained, in large part, by the higher degree of connectivity in 1914. The difference between Japan's swift declaration of war in 1914 and hesitation by China and the United States may, likewise, be attributed to Japan's higher connectivity. A host of independent variables, such as political will and relative military strength, can wreak havoc with the basic assumptions of ConflictSpace. But used cautiously as part of an ongoing discussion between social scientists and historians, ConflictSpace may effectively gauge the relative likelihood of the spread of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Th e utopian Zionism at the end of the 19th century, as a reaction to anti-Semitic nationalisms in Europe, refl ected in its ideology eurocentrism and socialist ideas of the period. During the First World War the British diplomacy created the Palestinian-Israeli confl ict following shortsighted interests. Since then, the confl ict is nourished in a chain reaction by violence and polemics in which reactionaries of both sides fi nd the justifi cation for their existence. In the Jewish state the Zionist dream degenerated into a nightmare. In order to escape this vicious circle Arab and Jewish groups make a call for reasonable arguing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]