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Using new evidence from Czech, German, Hungarian, Polish, and Romanian archives, a reconstruction of Eastern European diplomacy at the end of the Cold War shows that it was not just the superpowers that shaped events during this pivotal period: the non-Soviet members of the Warsaw Pact also had agency. From 1989 to 1991, these states recognized that the world was changing and that their relationship with the Soviet Union, codified in the Warsaw Pact politico-military alliance, would impede their success in the post–Cold War world. Eastern European policymakers resolved to destroy the Warsaw Pact that bound them to the Soviet Union, and they decided to align with Western Europe. They also sought to exclude the Soviet Union from the European security architecture, including the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. They sought security and wanted to hedge against a hard-line takeover in the Soviet Union; but their primary aim was to reap the West's economic benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses non-conventional diplomatic tools. It does so by focussing on the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) and the Multilateral Balanced Force Reduction (MBFR) talks and suggests that individuals and individual creativity to make use of non-conventional tools, in combination with attention to working conditions, impact the outcome. CSCE ventured in entirely new territory and promoted such novel concepts as the indivisibility of security, and the free flow of individuals, information, and ideas. As such it appealed to negotiatiors' creativity; by contrast, MBFR was about reducing conventional forces in the given constellation of a divided Europe -- it treated this division as a fact of life; as such it may have offered far less opportunities for individual diplomats' creativity to fully blossom. Taken together a discussion of these tools also contribute to the structure -- agency debate: they provide additional evidence that individual diplomats -- though often simply seen as tools of their respective governments and merely acting within a certain constellation -- and close attention to the conditions they have to work in, do matter, even when, of course, it is governments, not diplomats, that will have to sanction the results they achieve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1949, a new French publishing house, named Cocorico, launched a brand new collection called "Un petit livre d'or". In fact, it was simply a translation of the American "Little Golden Books" series. These cheap, cheerful and colourful picturebooks for the children of postwar Europe enjoyed immediate success. But the importation into Europe of the concept of "little golden books" had roots far beyond the simple framework of children's publishing and became part of the cultural Cold War," "book diplomacy," and the policy of "containment." All this was orchestrated by a multi-faceted dual national Franco-American, Georges Duplaix, who worked for the CIA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of the cultural Cold War in Latin America has experienced a growing interest from disciplinary fields such as cultural history or literary studies. In this line of work, and with the aim of contributing to a transatlantic approach to the problem, the special issue "Cultural ties of socialist and transatlantic friendship: Latin American writers and the Eastern Bloc during the Cold War" emphasizes the study of the interrelationships between Latin American literature and various European socialist countries. For this, it attends to a corpus of a plural nature: from fictional texts or analysis of periodicals to, above all, non-fiction texts that authors of diverse origins (Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, Cuba or Mexico) produced after passing through nations located beyond the Iron Curtain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1962, a cultural delegation made up of the painter Servando Cabrera Moreno, the architect Raúl Oliva and the critic and essayist Graziella Pogolotti toured the countries of the Eastern Bloc accompanying an exhibition of contemporary Cuban painting at a critical moment in the Cold War. In the autobiography titled Dinosauria soy: Memorias (2011) and in other shorter writings, Pogolotti gives an account of the ins and outs of this travel in which the artistic proposal of the selected Cuban painters contrasts with the institutional socialist realism of the Soviet sphere. The experience of the Cuban delegation is a practical result of the cultural collaboration agreements and their corresponding annual, biannual or five-year application plans that the Government of Cuba signed with the Eastern Bloc countries starting in 1960, with the aim of establishing and consolidate the bonds of friendship and solidarity of socialism on both sides of the Atlantic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the special issue The Cold War of Labor Migrants: Opportunities, struggles and adaptations across the Iron Curtain and beyond seeks to bring forward the conversation between the history of the Cold War and migration studies. It is the result of a workshop convened by the Working Group 'Labor Migration History', of the European Labor History Network. It maps out the academic debate on international labor migration and it critically engages with its western-centric approach. It introduces the seven contributions which, from different geographic and thematic perspectives, reassess the importance of non-Western experiences in shaping the entanglement between international labor migration and the Cold War. Two lines of inquiry feature prominently in this special issue. The first is a reassessment of the relevance of the regulation of international migration as a political terrain on which the Cold War divide was both constructed and deconstructed by different institutional actors, which, at various levels, were empowered by the existence of Cold War rivalry. The second, is the agency of migrants and aims to explore the fluidity, opportunism and creativity in the ways that migrants themselves experienced state control because of the particular Cold War socio-economic and political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Letonica is the property of University of Latvia, Institute of Literature, Folklore & Art and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cold War legacies pose significant challenges for heritage management and interpretation at landscape scale. This paper explores an area where management and interpretation overlap, in terms of how postcolonial attitudes usually require something to be done with these sites. We argue that this need not be the case and that a 'rest state' can be an important stage in a site's lifecycle. We focus in particular on United States Ground-launched Cruise Missile (GLCM) sites, of which six were built across Europe. All six are reminiscent of more conventional industrial sites co-located with their occupational communities yet they also exist as homes from home on gifted foreign soil typically occupying large areas. By examining these comparable sites at different stages of their heritage itineraries, we test the validity of some new interpretive and heritage management concepts including, if not leading towards, a rest state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Departing from Russia's full-scale invasion in Ukraine in 2022, this article analyses the OSCE-based security order that prevailed since the Cold War and that later was formalised in the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe. The first conclusion is that the OSCE-based European security order was successively weakened, and at the longest can be said to have functioned until 2014. The second conclusion is that this security order will not reappear even if the OSCE survives the consequences of the war. The article then analyses the partially parallel development of the EU as a security actor in Europe, and the potential of the EU to become a node in a new European security order. The third and fourth conclusions are that the EU has the potential of being a node in a new European security order, but that it will also need to become a node in a larger global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last decades have brought a growing interest in fortified heritage research, protection and reuse in Europe as a result of the demilitarisation of numerous historic defence structures occupied by armies in many countries and used as service facilities during the Cold War. There are various approaches to the conservation of fortified heritage and adaptive reuse is one of them. The values associated with a site should constitute the departure and arrival point for any type of intervention. An essential part of the process therefore should be the appropriate identification of these values to base on them contemporary actions. Fortified heritage has values similar to other forms of urban heritage but it also possesses values that are unique to this form of architecture and landscape. This paper sets out the values that should be taken into consideration when carrying out an adaptive reuse project on fortified heritage. Based on research and on international charters, as well as the writers' own experience, the paper identifies seven values and makes a distinction between two groups of values, namely: intrinsic (history, memory and identity; scientific and technical; territorial and architectural) and extrinsic (landscape and aesthetic; environmental sustainability; social and cultural; economic). While intrinsic values of fortified heritage are usually well described, less explored are the issues of extrinsic values. The paper presents two case studies, Zamość Fortress and Fort St Elmo, and considers how these values were taken into account in the respective projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides some relevant insights about the dynamics of the European politics of history and memory against the background of the third wave of European integration, which is the so called “cultural Europeanization.” These dynamics, originated in Western European both cultural turn of the 1970s and memory boom of the 1980s, is inscribed in the complex geopolitical landscape configured after the end of Cold War, within the context of European enlargement and the struggles for recognition of the “new Europe”. The competition of “Europe’s Europes” memorial narratives about the “painful pasts” of West and East, which is also a competition between two mnemonic paradigms (cosmopolitan vs. national(ist)-antagonist), is followed against the background of both the transnational turn in memory studies and memory politics and the re-nationalization of European politics and ideologies, tightly connected to the post–Cold War developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transatlantic religious networks promoted by Americans after World War I not only delivered human and financial resources but they also brought about significant changes in religious and political thought and practice in Europe. The experiences, networks and narratives created through two world wars equipped Europe with an ideological arsenal, which it marshalled against the Soviet threat during the cultural Cold War and which provided the European integration process with resources and legitimacy. The invocation of 'spirit' proved an extremely effective way of legitimizing the European project: it identified materialism as the seed of destruction of civilization; it promoted an interfaith narrative that was acceptable to different churches and religious sensibilities; and it represented human rights as the historical legacy of Christianity. Salvador de Madariaga's life reflects the evolution of the role of religion in the twentieth century, especially with regard to non-denominational Christianity. He was a committed missionary of ecumenist global civic conscience and a crusader for freedom of conscience against totalitarian interference. His defence of liberalism and his repeated calls for a cultural construction of Europe were rooted in his conviction of the intrinsically spiritual nature of all human beings, his identification with the legacy of Christianity and his desire to guarantee universal freedom of spirit. This article analyses documents from Madariaga's personal archive and other archives in Europe and America in order to chronicle his spiritual journey and to understand his crusade to create a 'Europe of the spirit'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While postcolonial scholarship has long sought to decentre Europe, the cumulative effects of such work have been to fetishize and homogenize a figure of Europe. Recent scholarship has recognized the value of reading postcolonial narratives alongside the ramifications of the Cold War for enriched understandings of each and both together. This article enters these conversations by developing a "migrational" reading of three texts about the city of Prague: Czech-born Libuše Moníková's Prager Fenster (1994), South African-born Nadine Gordimer's A Sport of Nature (1987), and Indian-born Nirmal Verma's Days of Longing (1964). Proposing the notion of a "Prague text", this reading performatively decentres Western Europe while maintaining a nuanced grasp on differences within the continent. The juxtaposition enabled by a Prague text puts up for scrutiny various attributions of European centrality, as the article critically engages notions of "Europeanness" and challenges configurations of Europe as a determining point of reference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes how the Austrian-American sociologist Paul F. Lazarsfeld and his Bureau of Applied Social Research applied a consistent bundle of findings--about the interplay of mass media and personal influence--to sharply different contexts. From the late 193 0s through to the early 1950s, Lazarsfeld stressed a stable set of social-psychological conditions that complicate media persuasion, which, however, could still be effective if paired with face-to-face campaigns. He developed the claim, first, with the aim of promoting educational radio. At the outbreak of war in Europe, Lazarsfeld and the Bureau moved to apply the findings to domestic morale and propaganda. In the immediate postwar years, Lazarsfeld redirected the Bureau's energies towards domestic-facing social problems, retrofitting his personal-influence framework to the promotion of peace and tolerance. With the Cold War, finally, Lazarsfeld reverted to a martial posture, as social progress gave sudden way to psychological warfare. Thus, the paper describes a fourstage seesaw pattern: persuasion for social ends in the first and third periods, succeeded in both cases by war service. The Bureau's communication research in the century's middle-third is, the paper argues, a case study in the plasticity of social knowledge--variation around a stable theme. What was pliable was the topical enclosure, dictated in the main by the sponsorship on offer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of international organizations in fostering the evolution of education systems worldwide emerged in the 1950s, and the OEEC-OECD, in particular, contributed to shaping the so-called 'education-economic growth' paradigm. First, its education agenda was the push to spread technical and vocational education, being one of the key means for preparing citizens for modern society in a Cold War context. In addition, the spread of these relevant skills provided solutions to actual problems that affected the less-developed Western European countries. Consequently, Mediterranean Europe became a laboratory for new visions and practices for development. In the educational field, these countries were an ideal environment to observe the changes underway and, above all, evaluate the actual outcomes of these early programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration debates have emphasized migrants' (in)ability to integrate into European societies. Accordingly, historians have viewed the mass post-1945 postcolonial and labor migration as a European story, a unidirectional path whose consequences manifested within host country borders. Such has been the portrayal of Turkish migrants, who came to West Germany as guest workers in 1961 and now constitute Germany's largest ethnic minority. This article complicates this narrative with a transnational approach. It argues that Turkish guest worker families were highly mobile border crossers who traveled throughout Western Europe and took annual vacations to their homeland. These seasonal remigrations, undertaken by virtually every family, entailed a treacherous three-day car ride across Central Europe and the Balkans at the height of the cold war. The drive traversed an international highway (Europastraße 5) extending from West Germany to Turkey through neutral Austria, socialist Yugoslavia, and communist Bulgaria. Migrants' unsavory experiences on this highway confirmed their perceptions of East/West divides and demonstrated the Iron Curtain's porosity. Moreover, the cars and "Western" consumer goods they transported reshaped their identities, fueling the development of the derogatory moniker Almancı , a Turkish term connoting emigrants' cultural estrangement and "Germanization." The notion that a migrant could become German demonstrates that those in the homeland could intervene from afar in debates about German identity amid rising xenophobia: although many derided Turks as unable to integrate, they had integrated enough to be considered "Germanized" and to encounter difficulties reintegrating into Turkey. This mundane act of vacation travel carried international, national, and personal implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie VII, Historia del Arte is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Cold War, U.S. intelligence agencies spared no effort to get tactical and strategic information about Finland and its neighbors in order to route bombers and missiles over Finland, to select targets for nuclear strikes, and to plan coastal landings. Especially during the last years of the Cold War, Finnish military intelligence secretly channeled information to the Americans without notifying Finland's political leadership. Washington gave the Finns military information on Soviet bloc countries on a quid pro quo basis. Although Finland was bound to the Soviet Union by a friendship treaty of a military nature, it seems that the Finnish armed forces actually were prepared to fight the Soviets alongside the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I The Last Million i is a diplomatic and political history of the approximately one million displaced persons (DPs) who were left stranded in Germany at the end of World War II, mainly in displaced persons camps in the British and American zones of occupation. Anti-immigrant sentiment was especially widespread in Washington on Capitol Hill among both Republicans and Democrats, and this limited the efforts of the Truman administration to allow more DPs to enter the country. American and British authorities wished to abolish the DP camps as soon as possible. [Extracted from the article]

The article addresses reproductive politics and sex education in Cold War Europe in light of novel historical research. Integrating sex education into reproductive politics it delineates four hitherto little discussed conceptual and topical areas in the field, and points to possibilities for further research. Most importantly, the article places the globalized character of post-World War II reproductive politics at the center of historical investigation. It sheds light on the position of (state socialist) Europe in the global processes that shaped fertility- and sexuality-related discourses, policies and practices during the Cold War, and the role of transnational agencies. Secondly, the article highlights the postwar persistence of eugenic thought in reproductive politics, still largely missing especially from the historiography of state socialist countries. It points to the ways in which "new eugenics" is related to its earlier manifestations in Europe as well as how it adapted to state socialist contexts. Third, the article discusses the important contribution of gender and intersectional scholarship on the history of sex education and reproductive politics in Europe to the social and welfare history of the region. Finally, the article pays specific attention to the role of the Catholic Church in the former "Eastern bloc." It underlines how reproductive issues enabled the Church to affect politics and engage with the state in heterogeneous ways beyond opposition. The article suggests that further historical analysis could importantly contribute to a better understanding of the present rise of populist right-wing discussion focused on the demise of the traditional family and the fall of birth rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The electoral growth of several 'anti-political establishment parties' in Europe since the end of the Cold War, was accompanied by the growth of the use of the catch-all category of populism to describe them. Despite the countless analyses related to populism, less attention – with some relevant exceptions – has been given to the impact of populism on party organizations. Still, populist parties do organize. While it is common to compare the organization of political parties belonging to the same party family, the attention on the impact of populism in shaping parties with different ideological backgrounds is scarce. This paper focuses on this literature gap, analyzing four parties, which the literature labels as 'populist'. The conclusion reached in this paper is that populism can be an ideological feature incorporated by different parties; however, its impact on the organization differs substantially from one party to another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social science long identified modernization with territorial integration and functional differentiation, but within territorially-bounded states. Globalization theories at the end of the Cold War projected this to the world level, with the 'borderless world'. This is better conceptualized as a rescaling and selective rebounding of social systems at multiple levels, above, below and across the state system. This has posed again an old question about the relationship of function, community and territory. It is an essentially contested matter and can only be appreciated if we accept that all three elements are constructed and mutually constituted. There can be no neutral and uncontested spatial fix, since the definition of territory and the drawing of boundaries has huge implications for the distribution of wealth and power. Rescaling is above all a political matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A chronological synopsis of the history of the technology used in experimental and testing work relating to artillery pieces is presented. The period covered is from the mid-seventeenth century up to the Cold War era of the mid-twentieth century. Although the focus is on the development of ballistics measurement in Britain, there are important links to related work in continental Europe. The locus for much of what is described is the Royal Artillery proof and experimental range at Shoeburyness and the key individuals and groups of men and women who worked there. There are longitudinal connections between the very earliest technologies of mechanical chronometry, with paper screens and paper-based calculations, and the later technology where timings, screens and calculations had all become electronic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on classic articles on the field, approaches of New Area Studies and primary research on journals and study programmes, this article discusses the current state of Southeast Asian studies from a German perspective. Southeast Asian studies has transformed from a field informed by particular political interests into a container category subsuming various different scholarly programmes. Some of these are closely connected to various disciplines, others are trans- or interdisciplinary; some are in close contact with Southeast Asian policy-makers, for instance by educating their future bureaucrats and politicians, and others remain at a distance. Thirty years after the Cold War formally ended, Southeast Asian studies programmes differ vastly in their respective characteristics and outlooks. This article maps some of these and explores their similarities and differences as well as their relationships to the established disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cold War strategy in Western Europe almost exclusively followed the US policy of containment. Conventional explanations for this continuity, however, fail to account for both the strategic rationale and the scale of domestic support behind attempts to disengage from the Cold War. This article seeks to explain why containment won out over disengagement in European strategy. By highlighting the underlying liberal tenets of containment, it argues this victory owed more to the advantages afforded the political center by the political institutions of Western Europe than to the logic of containment strategy itself. The occupation of the center-ground by advocates of containment afforded them distinct institutional advantages, including an increased likelihood of representation in government, greater bargaining strength relative to other parties, and limited sources of viable opposition. The dependence of containment strategy on centrist strength is demonstrated through a discussion of the politics of strategy in the French Fourth Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a critical overview of the latest phase of scholarly engagement with Eurocommunism, firstly, by pointing out the resilience of a 'Cold War framing' in many of the new studies of the phenomenon, secondly, by stressing the resulting blind spots in the assessment of its geographical scope (e.g., the lack of attention paid to Spain, scarce contributions on Eurocommunism's ramifications beyond West Europe). It then proposes a de-centred perspective on the phenomenon that is able to encompass its global roots and outreach, especially regarding the Third World; contrary to the prevalent focus on individual national cases of Eurocommunism, the article calls for a framing of Eurocommunist coordination as a transnational formation, so that both the leading role of Italian communists and the cross-border exchanges that shaped it can factor into a revised scholarly engagement with the topic. From this vantage point, Eurocommunism emerges as a strategy of transition for the global conjuncture of multiple crises that the 1970s represented, one that nevertheless failed to present a viable alternative to neoliberalism, another product of the decade in question. The article concludes by approaching the little explored gender dimension of Eurocommunism, visible in its entanglement with the second-wave feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reconstructs concepts of ‘European solidarity’ in Helmut Schmidt’s political thought. Tracing Schmidt’s beliefs from the late 1940s to the period of his chancellorship and beyond, it shows how his concepts of European solidarity were shaped by the lessons he drew from the political and economic catastrophes of the 1920s and 1930s. The article reveals how Schmidt developed a largely functionalist understanding of ‘European solidarity’ that was grounded in both his generational experience and the piecemeal logic of European integration he derived from Robert Schuman and Jean Monnet. Schmidt believed that ‘European solidarity’ was not a given, but that it had to be consciously constructed through mutually beneficial intra-European cooperation. He was guided by two central convictions: that the interdependence of European economies made their cooperation both necessary and desirable; and that Germany’s unique historical burden and geostrategic location meant that its foreign policy always had to be embedded in a wider European framework. As West German Chancellor from 1974 to 1982, Schmidt then sought to translate these convictions into practice, trying to avoid a relapse into 1930s protectionism whilst at the same time hoping to avoid perceptions of German dominance in economic matters. Yet, he remained highly sceptical of any attempts to transfigure West European integration into a greater ‘European identity’, believing that the Cold War context made any such attempts futile since true European solidarity could only be practised on a pan-European scale. Putting these views in a broader context, the article concludes that Schmidt’s thoughts offer valuable insights into the relationship between constructions of ‘European solidarity’ and notions of ‘crises’, and suggests that the analysis of his pragmatic approach adds to new, less teleological narratives of European integration that are now emerging in the historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Helsinki Accords resonated with dissident movements in the Soviet Bloc that had reconstructed a classical liberal approach to human rights. Human rights campaigns on both sides of the Iron Curtain emphasized civil and political rights. But human rights revisionism, expanding the scope of human rights, was growing in international institutions. In 1993, the international community embraced the concept of the ‘indivisibility’ of human rights. An expansive, ‘post-modern’ vision of human rights de-emphasized the protection of basic individual freedoms, while expanding global regulation. A strong moral and political challenge to classical human rights has emerged in the form of Eurasianism, a statist doctrine that denies the existence of universal human rights and insists that each culture has its own values. The idea of human rights as protections for basic freedoms, diluted and weakened over decades by assaults and compromises, may lack the moral clarity needed to confront the Eurasian challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article reviews roles of military forces in Europe in support of civilian authorities in crises caused by natural or manmade incidents and disasters. These roles are shaped by five trends - some in effect since the end of the Cold war, others more recent. These are: transition from civil defence to civil protection; expanding noncombat roles of the armed forces; cooperation with an increasing number of actors; respective proliferation of modes of contribution; and searching ways to contribute to the resilience of both states and local communities. The authors elaborate and provide examples for these five trends and conclude by highlighting some enduring characteristics of the military contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on international organizations that have arisen as a result of the Marshall Plan. It states that international co-operative organizations are used by the West to help win the Cold War and restrain the spread of Communism. It talks about the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), which administers to the Marshall Plan and reduced trade barriers between European countries and the U.S. It states that the method of work that the OEEC used most successfully was a continuous diplomatic negotiation, and mentions that members of the OEEC acted as representatives of their government, resulting in a constant flow of information and ideas between the representatives and their governments.

During the period of detente in the 1970s, a Norwegian proposal to construct an air pollution monitoring network for the European continent resulted in the first concrete collaboration between the communist and capitalist blocs after the 1975 Helsinki Accords. Known as the "Europeanwide monitoring programme" or EMEP, the network earned considerable praise from diplomats for facilitating cooperation across the Iron Curtain. Yet as this article argues, EMEP was strongly influenced by the politics of detente and the constraints of the Cold War even as it helped to decrease tensions. Concerns about national security and sharing data with the enemy shaped both the construction of the monitoring network and the modeling of pollution transport. The article also proposes that environmental monitoring systems like EMEP reveal the ways in which observational technologies can affect conceptions of the natural world and the role of science in public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to investigate how the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) succeeded in channelling the Cold War in a peaceful direction by facilitating a Pan-European dialogue during the second half of the Cold War (1972–1990), and what lessons we can learn from it today in terms of dialogue facilitation, so as to raise the profile of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and reduce international tensions. It is based on the hypothesis that the CSCE facilitated the 'multilateralisation of European security' through dialogue, and stabilised European relations by turning security into a joint venture. This article concludes with ten recommendations for facilitating dialogue through the OSCE so as to multilateralise European security again today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper briefly reviews and discusses the contents of the illustrated magazine Jugoslavija (Yugoslavia), published from 1949 to 1959, and edited by prolific Yugoslav intellectual and artist Oto Bihalji-Merin. This edition is critically examined as a means of creating an image of Yugoslavia in the years of momentous political and social changes in Yugoslav society, and during the height of the Cold War and country's realignment in international relations. Serving also as a cultural window to the outside world, Jugoslavija promulgated concepts of a specific Yugoslav modernity, ethnic and national diversity, and a 'third position' on the global political and cultural map of the 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the meeting Krieg und Stadt im 20. Jahrhundert. Jahrestagung der Deutsch-Tschechischen und Deutsch-Slowakischen Historikerkommission held in Košice, Slovakia, from September 25-26, 2016. The event focused on the theme of war and city and featured several speakers including historians Christoph Cornelissen, Christoph Mick, and Andrea Pokludová. Topics include Lemberg, Ukraine, in World War I and II, Nazi architecture, and Bratislava, Slovakia, during the Cold War.

US leadership in NATO has been declining since the Cold War ended. From a European perspective, the United States looks more and more like a "reluctant ally." A re-nationalization of European security could occur without strong US leadership. The United States should, therefore, reassert itself in European security affairs--not with costly troop contributions, but by facilitating European unity and the development of relevant force structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transatlantic partnership needs to be reassessed. Since the end of the Cold War, Europe has chosen to bandwagon with the United States and to outsource its security to Washington. Bandwagoning has serious consequences when the use of force is at stake: it may lead to entrapment, where weaker allies may be involuntarily dragged into a conflict. It may also lead to abandonment, where the dominant ally may choose to discard their vital security concerns. With the evolution of the international system towards a multipolar configuration, this strategy of bandwagoning is becoming increasingly costly for Europe while the dominant power, the United States, is progressively confronted by other competitors at the systemic level. These classic dilemmas attached to an asymmetric partnership are exacerbated in a multipolar configuration. In particular, the abandonment scenario may become more and more frequent precisely because there is competition-and thus potential costs-at the international level: the United States may leave Europe alone, not by choice but by necessity. The current crisis in Ukraine illustrates this shift: while some American leaders were keen to escalate the conflict by arming Ukraine, the Obama administration's commitment to the defence of Europe has been minimal and it has largely delegated the management of the crisis to the Europeans themselves. Washington had other and more important priorities. Strategic autonomy is not an option for Europe; it has become a reality, a Gaullist moment where Europeans will have to learn to think and act strategically for themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to deepen our understanding of the transatlantic circulation of scientific ideas during the Cold War by looking at the importation of behavioralism in European political science. It analyses the social, institutional, and intellectual dynamics that led to the creation, in 1970, of a transnational organization that aimed to promote behavioralism in Europe: the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR). Using qualitative material drawn from archives and interviews, the study shows that the creation of the ECPR was the joint product of academic, scientific, and political rivalries. It argues that the founding of the organization served a purpose for several agents (chiefly, academic entrepreneurs and philanthropic foundations) who pursued different strategies in different social fields in the context of the Cold War. More broadly, it suggests that the postwar development of the social sciences and the circulation of scientific ideas are best accounted for by mapping sociological interactions between scientific fields and neighboring social spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a sustained examination of how the vicissitudes of the Cold War shaped changing interpretations of the Spanish Civil War in Britain. Considering the perspectives of participants and historians, it focuses on the diverse strands of the Left that frequently drew on the civil war to attack each other and to make wider arguments about the global Cold War. First, with the aim of criticizing Communist take-overs in Eastern Europe in the late 1940s, the article analyzes retrospective assaults on Communist party tactics and Soviet foreign policy in Spain. Second, in order to argue that the Soviet Union took a counter-revolutionary line after 1956, it investigates the re-emergence of debates over the Spanish revolution. Third, to express disapproval of the United States, it examines the increasing use of the civil war as an analogy in Cold War international affairs from the 1960s. Fourth, in support of non-Soviet Left-of-Centre collaboration, most notably Eurocommunism in the 1970s and opposition to Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government in the 1980s, it considers the renewed emphasis on the popular front. The trajectories of these debates reveal that, over time, the weight of the Left’s criticism moved from the Soviet Union towards the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Western states—the U.S. and many European states—have since the early 1990s conducted military operations at a pace that overshadows the number of military operations during the threat-penetrated Cold War era. During the last twenty years, Western states have switched their military outlook from containment and deterrence toward active engagement and expeditionary warfare. It is argued that even though in many cases the objectives of military activism are good and noble, the unintended—and in many cases the unrecognized—consequences of such action will in the long run be negative at best—and potentially even dangerous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the authors' insight on the impact of neoliberalism in Great Britain and across the world. Topics include the crises in the Middle East and Europe such as the disintegration of Iraq and Libya, unresolved civil war in Syria, and the civil war in Ukraine, the commitment of Western countries, particularly the U.S., to retain their power in the Middle East through military interventions, and how the Cold War affects British politics.

The article discusses the characteristics and traits associated with European scholarship on the subject of U.S. history. It examines the relatively novel aspect of European scholarly concentration on U.S. history, particularly following World War II, the impact of the Cold War upon European scholarship, and resistance to the concept of U.S. exceptionalism. The article also discusses the trends of increasing contact among U.S. history scholars in Europe and what the article calls the internationalization of U.S. history.