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The concept of Eurasian integration has become a key and dynamic phenomenon in modern international relations. The present study is focused on assessing the potential of legal development of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), justification of measures for its adaptation to the changing social and legal reality. The current legal integration model of the EAEU is assessed. The focus of the study is on three interrelated issues: key aspects of legal integration, including the creation and development of legal frameworks, their principles, as well as the relationship between the national legal systems of the member states and EAEU law; the place of EAEU norms in the national legal system of Kazakhstan; and the justification of strategic paths and measures for the long-term integration evolution of the EAEU. In conclusion, this article offers findings on the legal complexities of Eurasian integration. The importance of legal cooperation and harmonization as essential components of the evolving project of regional integration is highlighted. The results of the study expand the potential of the theory of integration processes in Eurasia, fill it with new methodological content, and allow conceptualizing the implementation of further empirical studies of integration processes in the post-Soviet space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay traces the evolution of the Eurasian regionalism over the last three decades. It focuses on the inherent contradictions between the centripetal market forces and the geopolitical clashes affecting the economic integration perspectives. In Eurasia, economic integration has been repeatedly reinterpreted in terms of geopolitical power; at the same time, economic interaction emerged across the politically motivated boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article refers to a system of dispute resolution in the Eurasian Economic Union, tendencies of its reforming and prospects for digitalization as a fundamental feature of regional integration policy improvement. A complex variety of disputes in an integration association is considered: interstate, supranational vertical, supranational horizontal, and cross-border. The appropriate mechanisms for each of them and rationale to enhance integration are discussed. The authors suggest amendments for enhancing the cooperation of the EAEU Court with national courts, as well as evolving other mechanisms (arbitration and mediation). Digitalization of justice is an important element of effective regional policy. Digitization elements, including the Court's e-cabinets for the parties, electronic signature, digital documents' circulation, make regional justice accessible, it contributes to peoples' loyalty for integration decisions. The article proves the necessity to harmonize approaches to online dispute settlement in a transboundary context in the EAEU; the authors draw attention to low-cost cross-border disputes in this context and consider an opportunity of creating online dispute resolution platform driven by the Commission. Improvements in regional system of dispute resolution are proved necessary to sustain integration economic and political processes in Eurasia, to promote transparency, accessibility of justice as an element of regional integration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines intra-regional ('home-grown') and externally-driven ('imported') frameworks of regional migration governance in post-Soviet Eurasia. It argues that whether regional migration governance originates from internal or external sources makes an important difference. It shows that intra-regional migration governance develops around economic rationality, whereas externally-driven regional migration governance tends to prioritise linkages between migration and security and, albeit less systematically, issues of migrants' rights. The article demonstrates how intra-regional migration governance started to emerge as part of regional integration processes, becoming institutionalised within organisations such as the Eurasian Economic Union. It also shows how alternative versions of regional migration governance have been promoted by international organisations via, in particular, Regional Consultative Processes. It concludes with a reflection on competition and complementarity between these partially overlapping regimes of regional migration governance in Eurasia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of authoritarian regionalism, where illiberal or similarly restrictive governments undertake a process of economic integration amongst each other, has emerged in the past two decades as a rival to existing liberal multilateral organisations. Emblematic of this approach is the Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU), a grouping of post-Soviet states which has borrowed heavily from the experience of the EU but has set itself up as an alternative form of regionalism. Using the concept of institutional resilience, this article shows how the EaEU has been buffeted by three major shocks that have reduced its attractiveness as a viable development alternative to the West. Crises of economic integration, regional security, and, above all, of domestic stability have exposed the reality that the EaEU may be highly susceptible to shocks and, as a result, is less attractive as an alternative developmental model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the disintegration of USSR Eurasia has gained a new geopolitical and strategic significance. Fifteen countries emerged as result of disintegration, among which only Russian Federation was the successor state. The post-soviet era, especially the era of 1990s, was a political and economic trauma for the Russian Federation and the post-soviet space. But Eurasianists were well aware of American unilateralism and the American "Grand Chessboard strategy" that was solely aimed at encircling Russian geography. With these concerns, the Eurasianists advised the Russian political and military elites to initiate the Eurasian Union Project. This paper briefly sketches Russian historical Eurasian dream, which is deeply rooted in Russian imperial history, and discusses the importance of Eurasian philosophy for the political and economic stability of Russia-Eurasia. The paper also illustrates the challenges and opportunities for the Eurasian integration and for the establishment of a multipolar world order. The paper also briefly outlines the geopolitical rationale behind the Eurasian project as a key objective of the contemporary Russian foreign policy and geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) is considered to be the first successful regionalization attempt in the post-Soviet area. It is promoted as an economic organization whose aim is to remove trade barriers, promote integration, cooperation and economic growth in a fragmented and underdeveloped region. The promoters of this organization state that it can represent a platform for dialogue and even cooperation with the European Union, as well as with other international actors. The growing influence of the European Union in the post-Soviet space has been a critical factor in Russia's determination to update its policy towards regional integration and from the very beginning, the European model was chosen to create the new Union. By doing a comparison between the two regional blocs, I will contribute to a growing literature on the relationship between the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union, by emphasizing the similarities and differences as well as how the emerging regional competition will shape the future of European relations. In the first part of the article, I will briefly present the evolution of the integration process after the fall of the USSR, followed by a comparative analysis of the two regional integration projects, from a structural, political and economic point of view. I will conclude by analyzing the chances for any kind of breakthrough in political relations and economic cooperation between the two blocs. The article follows a qualitative and quantitative methodology and examines the possible implications of a competition between the European Union and Eurasian economic Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) it is obvious that China is crafting a new space for itself in the international system and becoming more assertive and confident in its international dealings, including in Eurasia, typically considered by Russia as its backyard. This raises the question of how the BRI is presented and perceived in Russia. The article explores this question by examining the coverage of the BRI in Russia's major newspapers between 2013 and 2019. It traces the visibility of different topics in Russian media coverage of BRI and maps the shifts in its focus over six years. The article demonstrates that while the definition of BRI in Russian newspapers includes multiple and often contradictory discursive frames that compete with each, Sino-Russian cooperation in Eurasia and, specifically, Russian proposal of "linking up" of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and BRI are unanimously supported and approved as a strategy that suits Russia's international status. Consequently, it can be concluded that Russian newspapers support the official narrative of Sino-Russian relations and follow trends rather than create them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A major conceptual overhaul is under way in the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) with significant consequences for its eastern dimension. This paper examines such policy adjustments from the perspective of evolutionary institutionalism. The paper revisits the changing rationale of the ENP due to the impact of the broader geopolitical environment on its normative structure and compliance mechanisms on the example of the EU's Eastern Partnership (EaP) with six countries in the post-Soviet space. By tracing the evolution of the EaP as a result of the Ukraine crisis and the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union, the paper finds that the EaP's progressive institutional growth has been replaced with the diversification of its governance mechanism, transforming the established top-down model of conditionality and deep institutionalization of the EU's neighborhood relations. The evolving institutional arrangements of the EaP, nominally at odds with the principles of institutional continuity, demonstrate that international institutions are resilient vis-à-vis ecological pressures. These findings represent a novel contribution to the literature exploring the institutions-geopolitics dichotomy in the Europe/Eurasia region. The paper concludes that, as the EU has adapted to the structural dependencies of its partners, it is now better positioned to expand its influence in the post-Soviet space. The evolution of the EaP offers valuable insights into the actual process of building a more geopolitical EU: not by advancing pragmatic EU interests or establishing its own "soft" sphere of influence in the Europe/Eurasia region but by sustaining inclusive resilient and efficient institutions with a global outlook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consideration of regional systems as a way of managing national security barriers along with peaceful economic relations are achieved in the regionalization process. One of these agreements is the Eurasian Economic Union. The present study inspects the potential impact of the trade agreement between Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union on export sectors of industry and agriculture using the gravity model over 2001-2018. The results demonstrate the positive effect of the mean variables of GDP and FDI on exports from Iran to Eurasia in industry and agriculture and indicate the negative effect of the variables on product deriving from multiplication of population, tariff rate and real exchange rate with exports. The elimination of trade tariffs between Iran and Eurasia can benefit various sectors of Iran's economy, and this benefit is further enhanced when the industry sector tariff is removed. Economic policymakers should consider the economic implications of this agreement for success. If the agricultural sector is faced with import restrictions, it will most likely have negative effects and this option could be deemed as an inappropriate policy in agreement with the Eurasia. The creation of a joint financial mechanism for internal exchanges between Iran and the Eurasia, the formation of a database of Member States' traders for Iranian economic activists, the issuance of business visas among Member States and the establishment of a Eurasian Joint Chamber could enhance Iran's trade with Eurasia in the sector and it can be beneficial to exporting industry and agriculture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last three decades, membership in regional trade arrangements has become one of the most important tools of trade diplomacy. Regional agreements bring a lot of benefits for the member countries through reducing barriers and restrictions. Considering the signing of the Interim PTA Agreement between Iran and Eurasia and its effects, this study aimed to investigate the economic effects of implementing this agreement using the CGE method by SAM 2011. Four possible scenarios were analyzed which included 50% or 100% tariffs reduction for industry and agriculture sectors and %50 tariffs concession for one of them. The results showed that an average of 50% tariff concession in the agricultural and industrial sectors led to the growth of both sectors and increased the total consumption and welfare in Iran. In the case of 100% tariff concession, the growth of agriculture and industry will be much higher and higher welfare and total consumption will be observed. Policymakers are advised to pursue FTA between Iran and EAEU for achieving the best results. The creation of a joint financial mechanism and a database of Member States' traders, the issuance of business visas, and the establishment of a Eurasian Chamber of Commerce Joint Council are recommended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to analyze some contemporary issues relating to the determination of a place of human rights protection within the integration processes in Europe and Eurasia. First, it briefly presents relevant developments regarding integration in Europe based on the examples of the Council of Europe and the European Union. Second, it proposes an analytical framework for the assessment of the protection of human rights within Eurasian integration, namely in the post-Soviet space. This assessment is carried out through the prism of existing inter-state arrangements, namely within the framework of such entities as the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Third, the paper attempts to identify on-going problems and legal challenges concerning the protection of human rights by regional integration organizations in Europe and Eurasia and suggests some solutions to these challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eurasian supercontinent has again assumed importance in world politics in the context of the declining power of the USA, the rise of India and China and Russia's return to global geopolitics. At the same time, 'connectivity' has become the catchphrase in the supercontinent, thanks to China's aggressive pushing of its Belt Road Initiative (BRI).  This article examines India's approaches to connectivity projects in Eurasia, including those in its immediate neighbourhood. It argues that India's approach to connectivity-related cooperation ideas in the region like the BRI is not uniform despite the economic advantages some of these projects offer. India appears to view such projects to a significant extent through the prism of geostrategic and security interests. Finally, it examines the implications of India's approach to connectivity for India as well as the broader region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese and Russian officials and scholars discursively construct and reconstruct repeatedly the nature and boundaries of Eurasian regional integration in an ongoing process of regional order construction guided by diverging concepts that involve the Eurasian Economic Union, the Silk Road Economic Belt, and the Greater Eurasian Partnership. There is a process of accommodation and adaptation that has led to a slow unfolding of a Eurasian regional order . I draw on the English School to examine Sino-Russian efforts to maintain a Eurasian regional order rather than to slip into an unbridled rivalry for spheres of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the role and place of the SCO in the development of interstate interaction in the Eurasian space, as well as the condition of and prospects for the main areas of multifaceted cooperation within the Organisation. The author further analyses the characteristics of the SCO partnership system as a model of interstate interaction that can provide an institutional platform for broad regional economic cooperation within the context of the new realities of Eurasian development, the implementation of member states' national development strategies, the linking of efforts to align integration processes within the EAEU, and the implementation of China's One Belt, One Road initiative with the potential to form an overarching partnership between countries of Eurasia and the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and Russia, two major regional political actors, regard the Eurasia core as their strategic backyard. The regional ambitions of these two powers are a threat in a new era of competition or possible cooperation in the Eurasian region. China is using the economic potential of 'One Belt, One Road' (OBOR) in order to integrate Eurasia as its heartland, while Russia has formed the 'European Economic Union' (EEU) with hopes of establishing a power bloc. This article is an attempt to underscore the potential of these formations and their consequences for the geopolitics of Eurasia. The subject of this research is to elucidate the context of OBOR and EEU, the major regional projects in the region, and their consequences for the Eurasian region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the strong competition on the part of the European Union (EU) to become a main integrator in the Post-Soviet Space, the Russian Federation (RF) has not abandoned the idea of continuing to promote integration among ex Soviet Union's republics and as a result, on the basis of the Eurasian Economy Community (EAEC), the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), which is meant to become a link between Europe and Asia, has been created. This contribution aims to analyse the integration in the Post-Soviet Space and the role and perspectives of a new agent in the region, the EEU. With regard to methodology of research, such theoretical methods as analysis of literature and authors' opinions, analyses of official legal documents and statistics data and comparative analysis of institutions were applied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the political and social discourses towards Eurasian integration in Central Asia. I concentrate on the independent non-Russian political elites and wider popular responses to the integration in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan and on the motivations leading these decision makers and societies to Eurasian economic integration. The focus is on Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, the only Central Asian countries in the Eurasian Economic Union, and on their respective populations. I demonstrate how post-Soviet Kazakhstani and Kyrgyz regimes facilitated ideas and ideals of Eurasianism so closely connected to their own interests in economic and socio-political contexts. The article also aims to reveal the complex web of interests, identities and mobilities of groups and individuals behind the political façade of integration talks in Central Eurasia. In doing so the study focuses on the historical approach and political elite-led discourses combined with the sociological data of social responses to the integration projects at different stages of their development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) has made incredible strides in becoming an integrated body over the past 10 years, and is becoming part of a broader global process of economic regionalism that is shaping economic competitiveness. This paper applies a SWOT analysis to current and projected EAEU member states, and identifies where the difficulties and opportunities for the EAEU’s member countries will be in improving competitiveness in the coming years. The key conclusions are that the EAEU’s own institutional arrangements may foster competitiveness if it is able to remove some of the barriers to innovation that currently exist in the bloc’s member states. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Eurasia is attracting more attention around the world than ever before. The leading powers are offering a variety of different Eurasian integration projects, among which special mention should be made of Russia's Eurasian Economic Union and China's Silk Road Economic Belt. Although they cover a large geographical area and are similar in many ways, these projects do not compete with each other since China and Russia have come to an agreement. Both countries are showing a certain willingness to cooperate, which has positive prospects. China should take gradual and purposeful steps to bring its initiative to fruition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]