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In the present work we will approach the analysis of a phenomenon of variation of Spanish in contact with Quechua from the theoretical perspective of Contact Linguistics. We will analyze the innovative functions of the marker ya también in an oral corpus compiled in the province of Cuzco, Peru. In the corpus, ya también is used as a marker that possess the inclusion and ordering values of the adverb también, as well as the update of a change or new information and emphasis that have been indicated for the adverb ya in Spanish (Delbecque 2006; Deloor 2011; Garrido 1993; Girón Alconchel 2011). On the other hand, it has developed innovative values as a discursive marker since it behaves as a focuser to address the interlocutor's attention to certain new or added information in the conversation, or in the narration of events that contrasts with previous information. We postulate that the observed phenomenon is a contact induced change with the Quechua language that has emerged from the exploitation of the linguistic resources available to the bilingual speaker, especially in those areas in which he perceives similarities in both languages, creating thus innovative communication strategies that allow a more effective interaction (Jarvis & Pavlenko 2008; Palacios 2013; Palacios & Pfänder 2014). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the studies of Alfredo Torero, Ecuadorian-Colombian Quechua is often considered to come from a variety that was formerly spoken on the central coast of Peru and introduced into Ecuador through maritime trade long before the formation of the Inca empire. Based on a dialectal comparison and an examination of historical sources, we refute this thesis and show that Northern Quechua is the product of a strong influence of Cuzco Quechua on the speech of the North Peruvian settlers that were brought by the Incas into Ecuador. Finally, this case study leads us to question the genetic classification of Quechua dialects proposed by Torero. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the prosody of focus in the Spanish of 16 Quechua-Spanish bilinguals near Cusco, Peru. Data come from a dialogue game that involved noun phrases consisting of a noun and an adjective. The questions in the game elicited broad focus, contrastive focus on the noun (non-final position) and contrastive focus on the adjective (final position). The phonetic analysis in Praat included peak alignment, peak height, local range and duration of the stressed syllable and word. The study revealed that Cusco Spanish differs from other Spanish varieties. In other Spanish varieties, contrastive focus is marked by early peak alignment, whereas broad focus involves a late peak on the non-final word. Furthermore, in other Spanish varieties contrastive focus is indicated by a higher F0 maximum, a wider local range, post-focal pitch reduction and a longer duration of the stressed syllable/word. For Cusco Spanish no phonological contrast between early and late peak alignment was found. However, peak alignment on the adjective in contrastive focus was significantly earlier than in the two other contexts. For women, similar results were found for the noun in contrastive focus. An additional prominence-lending feature marking contrastive focus concerned duration of the final word. Furthermore, the results revealed a higher F0 maximum for broad focus than for contrastive focus. The findings suggest a prosodic change, which is possibly due to contact with Quechua. The study contributes to research on information structure, prosody and contact-induced language change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article qualitatively and quantitatively investigates the Quechua language attitudes and maintenance practices of the members of two non-profit, non-governmental agencies in Cuzco, Peru. Within their respective agency/community contexts, the members of both groups claim to have significantly more positive attitudes toward Quechua and exhibit more successful Quechua maintenance practices than have been reported for other Quechua speakers in past research. To account for this sharp contrast between the findings of this work and those of other researchers, it is argued that membership in the two agencies plays a role. Furthermore, it is suggested that the two communities described here may serve as models for the creation of other planned home/community environments for Quechua speakers undergoing language shift as well as for the speakers of other endangered languages in general. As such, this work provides two examples of micro-prestige-planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Founded in 1990, The High Academy of the Quechua Language is a Peruvian organization committed to the preservation of the Quechua language. In Peru, the Academy is well known for the zeal of its members, who firmly believe that Quechua can and should be saved from extinction and that, on account of their own authority and expertise, they should take the lead in its revitalization. The purpose of this article is to examine these assumptions, their underlying ideologies, and the ways in which they have influenced the decisions and practices of the Academy. The analysis focuses on the organization's nationalistic bent, its linguistic ideologies, the construction of its expertise, and the tensions that exist both among its members and between them and other actors. It is argued that the Quechua Academy's stances and practices conspire against its own ability to make a lasting contribution to the revitalization of Quechua, obstruct the efforts of other agencies and experts who are also working to promote the language, and are infused with class values that alienate the Quechua-speaking people they claim to serve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]