Search

This article examines the refuge revolutionary Cuba offered to Chilean and Uruguayan exiles. Fleeing dictatorships during Latin America’s Cold War, thousands arrived in, or passed through, Cuba. Cuba was a logical refuge, representing a revolution suffused with promises of solidarity, internationalism and socialist modernity. It was also conceived as a route of resistance and return. Centring the memories of former exiles, this article examines expectations and reality of refuge in Cuba. Revealing a diversity of exile experiences, it asks what different forms of refuge existed in Cuba, how these evolved and with what significance for understanding the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes a barely studied phenomenon: the international relations of the Latin American guerrilla groups that emerged during the Cold War. Thus, this work observes the circularity of resources and relationships experienced by the Uruguayan guerrilla of the National Liberation Movement-Tupamaros (MLN-T), from its embryonic stage until its final defeat. Throughout these pages the influences of other guerrilla experiences of the moment are studied. Some experiences that led to the bet, novel up to now, of proposing the armed struggle from an urban character. In this regard, it is presented how, at the beginning of the sixties, Montevideo is a meeting point for revolutionary ideas and actors, given its incomparable democratic quality in the region. The work also presents the difficult relations with Cuba and the strong national imprint that determined the scope of the foreign relations of the MLN-T. This will be related to the few scenarios of material collaboration with other armed groups, especially while the Uruguayan guerrillas experienced a cycle of growing activism. Although a plane of collaboration and camaraderie underlies, a logic of dispute always prevailed in a state dimension. The foregoing only changes when the attempt to create the Revolutionary Coordination Board arises, which championed a project of guerrilla internationalism in the Southern Cone, but whose impulse comes when dictatorships in the region are an inevitable reality. This exercise is developed from an approach to oral history, thanks to several in-depth interviews with renowned members of the MLN-T. This is completed with various documents from the «David Cámpora» Archive of Armed Struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a wide array of original documents collected from Bulgarian, Czech, German, Hungarian, Polish, Romanian and Serbian diplomatic, party and security services archives, reflecting Havana's foreign policy during the Cold War. The article's narrative follows Cuba's Cold War foreign policy in the 1970s. Through its multipolar archival research methodology, the paper aims to help us acquaint a more nuanced and fuller picture of the complex and evolving character of Cuba's Cold War internationalism as seen through the eyes of Moscow's East European allies, marking a clear departure from existing literature mostly engaging Soviet or American sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article summarises the results of a qualitative content analysis of the 2019 Cuban Constitution, approved in a national referendum on 24 February 2019, and compares Cuba's constitutionally identified structures and processes with those highlighted as core characteristics of what has been termed twenty-first-century socialism. The article draws mainly on the work of Marta Harnecker (2010 and 2015), who includes the following features of twenty-first-century socialism: a) promoting participative democracy; b) creating the political instrument needed to lead the transition; c) instituting social ownership of the means of production; d) organising the economy toward satisfying human needs; e) having a decentralised (but aggregating) planned economy (including establishing worker-organised production as well as conceiving of efficiency as respect for nature and investment in full human development); f) incorporating material and moral incentives; g) educating for full human development and cultural transformation; and h) building regional (and international) integration. Cuba's 2019 Constitution overall measures up well with respect to these characteristics. The article concludes that Cuba's 2019 Constitution identifies structures and processes that are in line with the characteristics of twenty-first-century socialism. There is also evidence that Cuba represents a "unique model" (Burbach et al. 2013a), one that has been evolving since the 1959 Revolution, including during the Special Period of the 1990s and during the decade prior to the 2019 Constitution being approved, and one that has developed in the context of the US blockade and other hostile actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the findings of an archival study on the Cold War higher education (HE) exchange between Bulgaria and Cuba and Angola carried out at the Open Society Archive. Although research on the internationalization of HE mostly focuses on the introduction of new managerial governance and global rankings, scholars studying socialist countries mostly address the intricacies of student exchange. Focusing on policy transfer and expert exchange, I discuss both limitations of the framing of the subject in both Western liberal and socialist official sources and the asymmetries of the exchange between socialist countries. Exploring the exchanges between Bulgaria and Cuba and Bulgarian and Angola, my case study shows that East European socialist countries based their cooperation with developing countries in the Global South on the premise of the dominance of Eurocentric knowledge and extractivist practices in return for knowledge and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Left turn of the late 1990s, most Latin American and Caribbean nations have come to support the Palestinian struggle for statehood and the right of return, opposing Israel's and its allies' severe repression of them. This study explains the singular historic exception — Cuba's 70-year-long solidarity with Palestine — through the theoretical lenses of race, class and colonialism. It first reviews the transformation of Cuba's constrained solidarity with Palestine in the pre-revolution post-war years to comprehensive internationalism from Socialist Cuba. Then, analysing Zionism and its Latin American advocates from partition in 1947, we assess Cuba's break with Israel in 1973, alongside US-based Israeli and Cuban expat hostilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses Cuban medical internationalism through a feminist International Relations lens. Our results are based on numerous in-depth semi-structured interviews and fieldwork conducted with both female and male participants in these programmes. The doctors we interviewed have concluded medical missions in countries such as Brazil, Venezuela, Angola and Ghana. We argue that examining Cuban medical internationalism from a feminist IR perspective gives us insights into the nuanced status of feminism within Cuban civil society, how international employment impacts family relations both positively and negatively, and how time spent abroad provides transformative experiences. This paper seeks to contribute to greater conversations on power, agency and gender in the global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reconstructs the history of a coral-reef diorama, the outcome of a German Democratic Republic expedition to Cuba, that was displayed in East Berlin's Natural History Museum in 1967 on the occasion of the GDR's twenty-fifth anniversary. The paper investigates how the practice of socialist internationalism influenced the diorama's coming into being, arguing that while official diplomatic relations between Cuba and the GDR were a prerequisite for the expedition, nongovernmental contacts were central to both the initiation and execution of the project. It also demonstrates how the diorama's display was informed more by national and institutional concerns than by the rhetoric and policies of internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the Cold War has introduced important transformations including the practice of humanitarian aid that adjusted to the new world order. The general tendencies of the 'contemporary humanitarianism' are well discussed in the scientific literature. Since 1959, Cuba has developed its internationalism policy and has created a post-disaster brigade relief in the late 1990s. However, the subject has been little studied. The objective of this article is to analyze the Cuban humanitarian practices, values and framework in comparison with the contemporary tendency that appears since the end of the Cold War. Based on interviews led with Cuban cooperantes and a review of scientific literature, the study proposes that the Cuban post-relief internationalism is profoundly linked with the particular context in which it was created, but it is also functioning in a specific way in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South-South cooperation (SSC) has over seventy years of experience, although a due attention has not always been focused on it. Although there is a dense rhetoric trying to keep SSC away of the traditional North-South cooperation (NSC), emphasizing its more horizontal and its untied character, this paper tries to argue the role that the SSC has as an instrument of foreign policy of countries. To support this point, a review is made of the broad SSC promoted by Cuba, a key driver in this context. Given the shortcomings in the systems of information of Cuban cooperation, one of the contributions of this paper is to provide systematic information on this subject, to support the suggested hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TheEscuela Internacional de Educación Física y Deporte(EIEFD) is a university-level sport school near Havana, Cuba that provides scholarships for international students to obtain a degree in physical education, coaching and sports sciences. The mandate of the school is to prepare graduates to return to their home countries in order to work towards sustainable and transformational development in and through sport. In this paper, we examine the historical and political forces that have shaped this particular practice of Cuban foreign policy and compare it to current trends in international sport policy, particularly sport for development. Drawing on fieldwork in Cuba, we explore the reasons why a resource-poor country like Cuba would continue to invest in a programme like the EIEFD. Our main argument is that when considered against trends in the nascent Sport for Development and Peace sector, the EIEFD suggests an alternative approach based largely on cooperation and distinct from the practice of sport for development as aid or stewardship. It also stands as a notable example of a state-backed initiative that positions sport as aformof rights-based development rather than the more instrumental notion of sport as atoolfor development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Revue Tiers Monde is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Cuban government creates and seeks opportunities to engage in collaboration, diplomacy, commerce, and trade in order to pursue its own concepts of progressive international development, which involves garnering much needed hard currency and political benefits for its national interests. Such strategies include the organisation and deployment of sport and physical activity programmes. Based on our analysis of, and interactions with, Cuba's Ministry of Sport - the Instituto Nacional de Deportes, Educación Física y Recreación (INDER) - we suggest that INDER pursues both sport development and sport for development - at home and abroad - while simultaneously seeking economic benefits through its for-profit enterprise division named Cubadeportes. The implications of this comprehensive and sometimes contradictory approach are considered, in terms of politics, policy, internationalism and the place of sport therein. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses Cuba's medical missions in the South Pacific and specifically in Timor-Leste (East Timor), the largest outside of Latin America. Here, the adaptation of Cuba's low-technology and low-resourced preventive-focused medical model (based on the development of human capital) is used to highlight lessons regarding effective medical cooperation. This article finds that these lessons should be drawn from the dynamic and creative adaptations of the Cuban medical model, which are assisting South Pacific medical systems by scaling up primary care workforces to target previously underserved areas. Thus, the contribution of Cuban medical personnel, bolstered by the education of indigenous South Pacific students (trained by Cuban professors, both in Havana and locally) has developed into unique medical models for South Pacific nations. Such models of cooperation are also clearly adaptable elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editors discuss various reports within the issue on topics including Cuban internationalism, Cuba's health care services, and the role of sport in internationalism in Cuba.

The article explores the ideology and practice of Cuba's extensive international cooperation with respect to literacy, health care and education. The roots of Cuba's ideology of internationalism are cited as stemming from the Cuban Revolution in 1959, and particular attention is given to the country's participation in the international organization Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América (ALBA, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of our America) with respect to literacy campaigns across Bolivia. A history of social conditions in Cuba during the 1960s is provided in addition to an overview of Cuba's collaboration with Bolivia in educational reform. The author reflects on the potential influence and consequences of Cuba's efforts in international collaboration.

The article discusses Cuban medical internationalism, a system in which Cuba sends medical aid to countries across the globe, with attention to the effects of the program under President Raúl Castro in the early years of the 21st century. A history of Cuba's medical international cooperation since 1960 is provided, including descriptions of initiatives such as assistance for victims of the Chernobyl nuclear accident of 1986 in the Ukraine, the training of doctors from developing countries at no cost starting in 2005, and work in East Timor. Cuba's medical internationalism is also discussed within the context of Cuba's political and economic restructuring as outlined in the document "Lineamientos de la política económica y social," published in 2010 by the Communist Party of Cuba.

The article explores the relationship between black radical activists and U.S. political exiles Robert F. Williams and Mabel Williams and the People's Republic of China (PRC). Particular focus is given to the Williamses' encouragement of mutual exchange and support between the PRC and African American civil rights and black power movements. According to the author, their internationalist support of the PRC and Afro-Asian solidarity sometimes failed to represent the contradictions and tensions of China's economic, political, and social life. It is suggested, however, that these gaps and misjudgments did not invalidate their work on behalf of transnational exchange and cultural interaction. Topics discussed include the Cold War and the Williamses' relationship with the Cuban government.

This article presents the experiences of Mozambican children who were sent in the 1970s and 80s to study in Cuba as well as their professional and ideological orientation after their return. Challenging collectivising perspectives on either an Anthropology of the Afro-Atlantic or Socialist Internationalism, this contribution focuses on an individual and his agency in the highly regulated and disciplined context of Cuban schools. However, this context must be described in order to appreciate the agency. Thus, the article shortly presents Cuban-African relations after the Cuban Revolution, it describes how the students were selected, sent abroad, were assigned their subjects, were sent back home and finally integrated into the work force - or in the latter case - how the state failed to do so. It shortly looks at the current situation of African students in Cuba with respect to issues of race and identity and how the Cuban discourse of Cuba being an Afro-Latin nation, owing its development to the work of Africans and paying it back through its missions of solidarity, is experienced by African students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Canadian Association of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (CALACS)) is the property of Canadian Association of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (CALACS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cuba has historically interacted with a variety of regional actors and powers, both Caribbean and American. Political links with revolutionaries throughout the Caribbean before 1959 influenced Cuba's susbequent role in the region. The postcolonial Caribbean and Cuba developed a synergic relationship, although not one without contradictions. The Grenadian and the Sandinista revolutions renovated Cuban ideology, diminishing the influence of Soviet Marxism and atheism. The tragic end of the Grenadian Revolution contributed to the process of rectifying Cuban errors initiated in 1985, and was a main factor in a new Cuban strategic defensive system which was based not on the supposed alliance with the USSR but on territorial militias. Cuban wars in Southwest Africa in the 1970s and 1980s deepened Cuba's ties and prestige within the Caribbean. In the post-Cold War era, cooperation and diplomatic relations strengthened these ties, creating a new political environment within the region. Beyond trade and tourism, Cuba and the Caribbean share a common interest in areas such as education, public health, social policy, fighting drug traffic, civilian defence against hurricanes, national and public security, and protection of cultural industries and the environment. Improved relations between the US and Cuba would benefit the whole Caribbean region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1960, Cuba has been involved in providing medical support to the developing world, and at present has some 40,000 personnel in 74 countries – more than all of the G-8 countries combined. This article traces the evolution from its first (1960) mission to the current stage. The article also analyses various explanations for this extraordinary mixture of diplomacy and humanitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Baseball is the national sport in Cuba, not because of American imperialism or colonialism, but because criollos , nineteenth-century island elites, made deliberate efforts to equate the game with a nascent Cuban nationalism. The game represented one of a set of civilized practices that criollos used to distinguish themselves from the Spanish. As a distinctive practice, baseball provided a symbolic discourse for an independent Cuba, evident not only in its physical expression on the field but in other forms of expression as well. One particularly prominent form of expression that linked baseball to Cuban nationalism was poetry. As members of elite social clubs, the playing of the game and recital of poetry were two forms of expressive performance that expressed the desires, values and beliefs of Havana's social elite. This essay examines the relationship between the emergence of Cuban identity, the nascent nation and its expression in the playing of a game by examining a late-nineteenth-century poem that makes these passionate linkages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the history of internationalism in Cuba. According to the author, Cuba began sending personnel abroad since 1959 to provide help to other developing countries. Initially, the aid was military, but after the end of the Cold War, the foreign aid has become mainly medical and educational in nature. The author says that Cuba's taboo in academic and policy circles has failed to take into full account the country's achievements in providing health and education.