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Despite an increased interest in the diplomatic history of India – chiefly supplemented by the opening up of Indian diplomatic records – the Latin American region has received marginal attention. Interestingly, the archival sources based in India throw an altogether fresh perspective on diplomatic engagements between India and Latin America during the Cold War period. This Research Note places the Cuban Revolution in perspective to examine how developments in Cuba kept Indian diplomats and leaders engrossed. Through India's understanding of Castro's Cuba, the Note captures ideological and pragmatic considerations defining the responses to each other's overtures during such an important turn in history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cuban Revolution is passing through one of the most complex moments of its history. After more than a decade of profound economic, political, and social reforms, the Cuban socialist project faces enormous challenges, amid difficulties arising from intensified imperialist harassment, the sequels of the pandemic, the global crisis, and internal bureaucratic errors. Cuba's economic and social development model stands at several crossroads. The Caribbean island must deepen its socialism along revolutionary lines and with greater worker and popular control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The destructive obsession of the United States with Cuba persists after six decades, and the blockade continues with as much intensity as the counterrevolutionary plots. The reforms to reverse the stagnant economy have been postponed for fear of undermining the social gains of the revolution. However, a mixture of market and combined forms of accumulation with state protagonism is unavoidable to recover growth. The recent protests reflected these tensions, which the government managed by neutralizing the right-wing exploitation of social unrest. Renewing the political system would allow processing the economic and social mutation underway. The feat of sustaining the Revolution is recognized internationally by the significant regional current of solidarity and ignored by social democracy, which covers imperial harassment with a polite mask. The experience of Eastern Europe has debunked the illusion of a socialist denouement from actions sponsored by the right. Left critiques must offer viable alternatives based on contemporary experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Minister of Industries in Cuba between 1961 and 1965, Che Guevara addressed the challenge of increasing production and labour productivity in conditions of underdevelopment and in transition to socialism, without relying on capitalist mechanisms that undermine the formation of new consciousness and social relations integral to socialism. Under capitalism, Guevara noted, competition for private profit drives the application of science and technology to industrial development, revolutionising the productive forces. Socialist governments must find alternative methods. To these ends, Guevara set up nine research and development institutes, focussing on sugar cane derivatives, minerals and metals, the chemical industries, agricultural by-products, the mechanical industry, technological innovations, and automation. He established an institutional framework to begin experimentation at different ends of the production chain simultaneously. The short-term results were inevitably limited, but more significant than the productive achievements attained was the methodology introduced, the application of science and technology to production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reinaldo Arenas, a Cuban writer, represents the inquisitorial hell of Castro's Cuba that many homosexuals had to face, turned into dissidents with a perpetual vital and intellectual vicissitudes. For the theorists of the Popular Socialist Party (PSP) homosexuality was the result of bourgeois decadence; thus, those who did not follow the heteronorm were relegated to the condition of subordinate subjects, condemned to a kind of death in life or insilement; being, even, destined to the fields of the UMAP (Military Units of Assistance to the Production) to be «reeducated». This work takes as a case study the figure of Arenas through the representation of him in three audiovisual works, in order to identify and analyze the relationship of the Castro regime with homosexuality. A textual analysis is applied, using the methodological tools of Narrative and Queer Theory, on the documentaries Conducta impropia (Mauvaise conduite, Almendros and Jiménez Leal, 1984) and Seres Extravagantes (Zayas, 2004) and on the film Before Night Falls (Schnabel, 2000), based on the last book by Arenas, autobiographical and posthumous. Reinaldo Arenas is undoubtedly an example of the discrimination against homosexuals in Cuba, of which he was a victim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article presents the discussion on excavations of the idiosyncracies and fugitivities of interwoven African and Cuban cultural and spiritual tapestries. Topics include foraging Cuban history for clues to the mysteries and palimpsests of identity; and exercise in intellectual marronage, in the midst of resurgent expressions of latent and overt racism in the contemporary island-nation and the world; and disseminated images on social media serve as stark reminder that ignorance of history.

This brief essay places Rodney in the context of the development of trans-Atlantic African Diaspora consciousness and culture, and the development of non-Western contingent Marxist theories from dependency to his underdevelopment thesis. Rodney's biography and intellectual development are contextualized in their Caribbean, Latin American and Diasporic Black contexts, and in the context of Rodney's engagement with people, pedagogy and political processes in Jamaica, Tanzania, London and Guyana. Specifics of his Cuban sojourns and evolving conceptions of the revolution, his work on a book while there, and his placement within Cuban research and broader Caribbean and Latin American tendencies are examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After breaking away from 'Stalin's isolationism', Moscow saw the 1959 Cuban Revolution as an opportunity to expand its influence and granted Cubans numerous scholarships for postgraduate and technical training in the USSR. Facing international hostility, preparing new specialists was crucial to Cuba's development. However, for many uneducated Cuban students, in addition to serious external obstacles (weather, language, depression), studying in the USSR was a highly politicised experience. They formed colectivos and were called on to induce a 'revolutionary morality' through incentives and sanctions; they also received ongoing political orientation from the embassy, shaping a well-entrenched 'culture of militancy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we seek to analyze the history of public policies of sport and leisure in Cuba during the administration of Felipe Guerra Matos at the head of the Dirección General de Deportes, between January 1959 and February 1961. We based our analysis on the academic literature, Cuban legislation, US government documentation, and Fidel Castro's speeches. We concluded that the actions of the Cuban State in the sphere of sport and leisure between 1959 and 1961 consisted of increasing the sports budget, building sport and leisure spaces, expropriating and nationalizing clubs and beaches, creating the Department of Beaches for the People and creating the Círculos Sociales Obreros. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Though rural Protestant missionaries stationed in Cuba routinely reproduced Anglo-American epistemologies and values, often in the service of US corporations, they also worked alongside their parishioners to challenge state and economic violence, as well as break the cyclical nature of Cuban poverty. Shared struggle with Cubans against Fulgencio Batista's dictatorship proved transformative for many rural missionaries who, in the late 1950s, developed a revolutionary consciousness born through transnational solidarity. Missionaries challenged the dominant narrative coming from the US government and foreign corporations, as the Revolution pursued an increasingly anti-imperial and anti-capitalist agenda after Batista entered exile. While corporate executives and government officials from North America and Europe feared the new government, rural missionaries, often funded by these same corporations, defended the structural changes taking place after 1959. Through oral history and archival research, this article exposes how Cuban Protestants proved particularly influential in shaping the lens by which foreign missionaries came to understand, appreciate, and ultimately support the Cuban Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia: Questoes & Debates is the property of Universidade Federal do Parana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the transnational activism of the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (Revolutionary Student Directorate, DRE), a group of exiled Cuban anti-Castro students. In the wake of the Bay of Pigs invasion, with CIA funding, the DRE attempted to challenge student support for the Cuban Revolution in Latin America and elsewhere in the global South. This article uses the DRE's trajectory to rethink the 1960s as a period of anti-communist, as well as leftist, youth ascendancy. It challenges the idea that Cuba garnered universal youth support, stressing instead that the Cuban Revolution helped turn student politics into a key battleground of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cuban and Sandinista Revolutions stand together as Latin America's two socialist revolutions achieved through guerrilla insurgency in the latter half of the twentieth century. But beyond studies that demonstrate that Cuba militarily trained and supported the Sandinistas before, during, and after their guerrilla phase, and observations that the two countries were connected by the bonds of socialist revolution, the nature of Cuba and Nicaragua's revolutionary relationship remains little explored. This article traces exchanges of people and expertise between each revolutionary state's Ministry of Foreign Relations and Ministry of Culture. It employs diplomatic and institutional archives, personal collections, and oral interviews to demonstrate the deep involvement of Cuban experts in building the Sandinista state. Yet, Cuban advice may have exacerbated tensions within Nicaragua. This article also shows that tensions marked the day-to-day realities of Cubans and Nicaraguans tasked with carrying out collaborations, revealing their layered and often contradictory nature. Illuminating high-level policy in terms of Cuban-Nicaraguan exchanges and how they unfolded on the ground contributes to new international histories of the Sandinista and Cuban revolutions by shifting away from North-South perspectives to focus instead on how the Sandinistas navigated collaboration with their most important regional ally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cuban Revolution constitute probably the most influential event in the contemporary history of Latin America due to its scope and significance. Even today, the echoes of that historical event are projected greatly in the present and the numerous of unanswered questions that still generate turn into extraordinary field to this study. In the present article we want to explore the potentialities what the oral history can offer us to reach that objective. In order to dive into this issue we shall focus in the life stories of some person who had direct experience or taken part in political and social happen in Cuba, from fifties decade to the present in a different scenes. The rescue of their voices allows us to approach the "lived experience" of the Revolution and helps us to know the very meaning of that historical process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The disintegration of the Cuban sugar industry after the Soviet Union's demise, as depicted in the film Melaza (dir. Carlos Lechuga,2012), serves as a point of departure for a more general analysis of the materiality of Cuba's post-sugar afterlife. Against the backdrop of sugar mills shuttered as a result of the 2002 "restructuring", I analyse the film's aesthetic rendering of the multilayered archaeology of loss: from the dissolution of the utopian dreams to the daily precarity of common livelihoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much has been made of connections between homosexuality and working-class politics in the work of French communist intellectual Daniel Guérin, his trajectory as a queer revolutionary anti-colonialist has been under-theorised. How do questions of race and questions of homosexuality interact in Guérin's political imaginary? In order to draw out the relation between queerness and anti-colonialism, this article examines the particularly complex example of the Cuban Revolution by analysing his self-published May 1968 brochure, 'Cuba-Paris'. Putting this brochure and his Cuban archive in dialogue with his remarks on sexuality and revolution, the article considers Guérin's late concept of 'anti-homosexual racism', and suggests that Cuba reveals a limit-case in the conjugation of Guérin's anti-colonial and queer-revolutionary commitments. The article asks how Guérin understood the coexistence of social-revolutionary and homophobic-puritanical elements within movements of national self-determination, and ruminates on what these problems mean for anti-racist queer projects in the present century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What should be the place of the Cuban Republic in histories of sexuality under the revolution? This essay argues that scholarly accounts of gender and sexuality in post-1959 Cuba want for a fuller engagement with their pre-1959 context. In particular, it seeks to open up a conversation about questions and topics in the history of sexuality that might straddle the 1959 divide, as well as the historiographical (and political) consequences of writing across it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Left turn of the late 1990s, most Latin American and Caribbean nations have come to support the Palestinian struggle for statehood and the right of return, opposing Israel's and its allies' severe repression of them. This study explains the singular historic exception — Cuba's 70-year-long solidarity with Palestine — through the theoretical lenses of race, class and colonialism. It first reviews the transformation of Cuba's constrained solidarity with Palestine in the pre-revolution post-war years to comprehensive internationalism from Socialist Cuba. Then, analysing Zionism and its Latin American advocates from partition in 1947, we assess Cuba's break with Israel in 1973, alongside US-based Israeli and Cuban expat hostilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the scope and limits of the socialization process, implied by the changes unleashed by the Cuban Revolution. Its focus is the analysis of the relationship between the State and society, as it has been reconfigured over these decades. For this he distinguishes three moments. First, it historically sketches elements of the conformed model, which constitutes the starting conditions of the current process of changes in our country. Next, it offers an overview of the proposal and some effects of the Cuban readjustment, in its broad sense and in the most recent Updating process. Finally, it provides an assessment of the challenges that arise for Cuba in the face of a viable socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ernesto Guevara is one of the most representative figures of the revolutionary thought of the 20th century. Its theoretical production is directly related to the Cuban revolutionary process and consequently to the development and characteristics of the revolutionary movement of its time. His reflections on the socialist economy, his vision of the social totality insofar as understanding from the complex dynamics of socialism the relationship between economy and consciousness, his critique of the socialist experiences known in the search for a new alternative of real overcoming of the capitalist structures are some of the elements that will be treated in this work showing the richness of a thought that rescues the best of the classical Marxist tradition from the conditions of Cuba and the Third World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Anniversary of the Triumph of the Revolution Crime Fiction Award was established in 1971, and given for the first time in 1972, as part of a policy to support the production of crime fiction in Cuba. From that year on and for at least another decade, it is impossible to find another cultural area that enjoyed the level of support and incentives that crime fiction did. In this article I establish the relationship between cultural policies adopted at the 1971 First Congress of Education and Culture and the implementation of a specific policy to support crime fiction. I pay special attention to the role played by the Anniversary of the Triumph of the Revolution award, and to the programmatic texts written by cultural officials to establish the theoretical and practical basis of the novela policial revolucionaria, focusing on the period 1971–1986. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Doc On-Line: Revista Digital de Cinema Documentário is the property of Doc On-Line: Revista Digital de Cinema Documentario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Doc On-Line: Revista Digital de Cinema Documentário is the property of Doc On-Line: Revista Digital de Cinema Documentario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article offers some critical reflections on the process of contextualising the Christian faith in the Caribbean. The process of seeking to find synergy between Christianity and the culture and experiences of poor, disenfranchised people of the Caribbean is one that has been undertaken by committed postcolonial scholars and activists since the early 1970s. This faith-based work received significant sustenance from the socialist-inspired, anti-colonial politics of the Cuban Revolution and the leadership of Fidel Castro. This article juxtaposes the contextualisation process of Caribbean theology as a faith-based parallel to the socio-political transformation of the Cuban Revolution and the legacy of Fidel Castro. The central conceit of this article is that cricket provides a symbolic heuristic for articulating the theo-cultural re-articulation of Christianity within the Caribbean milieu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This article contains a discussion on the Cuban Revolution and its effects on subjectivity and psychology. The authors reflect on the historical and psychosocial background of the revolutionary process of 1956–1959, the Cuban exception in the Latin American context, the role of objective and subjective factors in the revolution and in the socialist regime, Cuban psychologists' lack of interest in subjectivity, the history of Cuban psychology from the 1950s until now, and the connection of this history with historical events and specifically with the influence of the Soviet Union in Cuba. The great social achievements of the revolution are recognized, but also the appropriation of the revolutionary legacy by the regime and its negative consequences on the subjective sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the 1959 victory of the Cuban Revolution, documentary film became a means by which to study and educate the population, to disseminate and at times question revolutionary ideology, and through these processes to construct a new nation. Because of its association with the lively effervescence of cubanía, popular dance continued to be a crucial element in Cuba's self-image, featured prominently in new filmic production. Yet revolutionary perspectives on past eras and goals for a new moral culture complicated its portrayal. This article explores the diverse, sometimes conflicting, currents in Cuba's documentary film production from 1960 to 1974 through the analysis of four short documentaries focused on popular dance. It argues that popular dance, as viewed through the lens of documentary film, was a crucial area of ideological struggle, the victory of which implied control over the minds, hearts and bodies of Cubans in the construction of a revolutionary state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a diverse variety of sources, including archival materials, interviews and newspapers, this article seeks to demonstrate that the Cuban Revolution was not from the outset a project inspired by an "orthodox" communism. Close ties with the USSR led to doubts and theoretical debates (encouraged by Che Guevara's thesis: "foquismo") in a country where many feared a passive integration in the socialist sphere. Intense controversies erupted within the intellectual milieu during the 1960s (like the "manual controversy" in 1966), reflecting divergent sensibilities regarding "things Soviet" and differing ideas about the role of artists and the avant-gardes in a revolutionary society. The "normalization" of Cuban-Soviet relationships, noticeable at the end of the decade, was only possible after a long period of disagreements, apprehensions and doctrinal controversies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text examines the links between intellectual function and the project of the Cuban Revolution, by analyzing the main moments of this relationship and the approaches to it from power and the intellectual field, respectively. This analysis shows that such relationships can be understood by taking the interrelationships between the individual and the collective as a transversal axis; for example, between individual subjects related to intellectual function and the collective project, or between the revolutionary project and intellectual condition (collective) and intellectual function (individual). We also propose some central pairs for understanding the question, as the distinction between militant intelligentsia and intellectual militancy or cultural policy and politicized culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sports have played a dual role in the Cuban Revolution. International sport competitions symbolize the revolution's success and compose a strategy for creating social cohesion. This essay explores how Cuban sports documentaries (as well as documentaries on Cuban sports made by foreign filmmakers) represent and problematize these complementary roles. It argues that Cuban sport documentaries offer insights about the Cuban Revolution over time and provide occasions to explore the sociocultural, economic, and political challenges that Cubans have faced in the revolution's socialist and post-Soviet stages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Guantánamo Sugar Company Records in the Cuban Heritage Collection at the University of Miami represent some of the only accessible plantation documents for the province of Guantánamo in republican Cuba. Few scholars have researched in the collection and there have not been any publications to draw from it. Such a rich collection allows scholars to tie the province's local political, economic, and social dynamics with larger national, regional, and global processes. This is consistent with ongoing scholarly efforts to understand local and global interactions and to pay more attention to regional differences within Cuba. This research note uses the records to explore local issues of land, labor, and politics in republican-era Guantánamo in the context of larger national and international processes. The collection is especially useful for what it illustrates about Cuban sugar companies during the Revolution that succeeded in 1959. The note then identifies sources that could be useful for scholars researching in the growing fields of the history of business, science and technology, and the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between Cuba and African Americans during the period from the Cuban Revolution of the 1950s to the 1961 invasion of the Bay of Pigs by the United States. Topics discussed include political support from Cuba for African American activism for racial equality, the relationship between anti-colonialism and equality for African Americans, and African American interest in Cuban politics.

The novelist Belén Gopegui has come to be characterized as an ‘escritora comprometida’, consistently winning critical acclaim for her penetrating examinations of post-transition Spanish society. In 2004, Gopegui's increasingly radical left-wing politics seemed to reach a culmination point with her public declarations of support for the Cuban Revolution that accompanied the publication of her fifth novel, El lado frío de la almohada. Drawing on aspects of Ulrich Beck's ‘risk society’ thesis, this article analyses this defence and the author's decision to present it in the popular form of the espionage thriller in the context of the ‘risk conflict’ represented by the 2003 Iraq War and some of its corollaries: the supporting role of the Spanish government; the increased antagonism between the United States and Cuba; and the reaction of part of the Spanish left to the Cuban crackdown in April of that year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Listy Cukrovarnicke a Reparske is the property of VUC Praha a.s. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the complex relationship between gender politics, food, cooking and the ideology of the Cuban revolution by analyzing the cooking section of the important women's magazine Mujeres, and three foundational cookbooks that established an inter-textual dialogue of omissions and additions, symbolizing both the transformations that occurred on the island with the revolution and the divisions brought about by the Cuban diaspora. At the center of the analysis are the writings of Nitza Villapol, the Cuban food guru that have continued to dominate Cuban cuisine on both sides of the strait of Florida. The paper therefore looks at different editions of her main cookbook, from both the island as well as Miami, as an instrument to understand on the one hand, elements in the redefinition of women within the revolution, and on the other the way in which cooking as a part of popular culture is fictionalized in response to ideological changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article, in essence, reconsiders revolutionary Cuban cultural policy, focusing on what many have come to perceive as a highly contested issue: the revolution's theoretical perception and practical decree in terms of 'expressive freedoms'. The biggest challenge, conceivably, that confronted and continues to plague Cuba's cultural leadership, has been to carve out a clear path that defends the revolution at all costs against Western imperialist offensives, and allows full expressive rights to artists, writers and intellectuals. Despite this 'dilemma', for the most part Cuba's cultural policies, goals and strategies positively enriched the nation's intellectual, educational and artistic levels. Moreover, despite the presence and perils of doctrinaire elements in Castro's regime, leading cultural figures sought to oppose the rise of socialist realism, Stalinism's widely contested mode of cultural expression. While Cuba's radical cultural workforce does not explicitly seek to uphold or endorse the revolutionary regime per se, it is apparent that, on its own terms, it is intimately aligned with the quest to pursue universal social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Czech Journal of International Relations / Mezinárodní Vztahy is the property of Ustav Mezinarodnich Vztahu, v. v. i. (Institute of International Relations) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The end of the 1980s saw Cuba in crisis as the collapse of the USSR removed the island's economic lifeline. But this crisis had been building for a number of years and many of the 'certainties' of the past were being fundamentally questioned. This questioning produced a particular brand of Cuban postmodernism, in which a certain rejection of the linear trajectory of history was being articulated in a country with a still-developing sense of its past but with a crisis that would undoubtedly alter that perception. This article intends to explore this ideological break with the past via analysis of the film ¡Plaff! (o demasiado miedo a la vida) (Juan Carlos Tabío, 1988). The film stands on the threshold of important change in Cuban cinema, coming as it did only a year before the collapse of the Berlin Wall on 11-12 November 1989 and the subsequent collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe. The article will demonstrate how the film deconstructs old values and creates new ones via a recycling process of pastiche and parody, managing a difficult balancing act between the questioning of the authority of state institutions and support of the Revolution as a valid national project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The mechanisms by which the world economic crisis has been transmitted from developed to developing economies are conditioned by domestic factors that may attenuate or accentuate external economic shocks and their adverse social effects. Cuba is a special case: it is an open economy and hence vulnerable to trade-growth transmission mechanisms, but at the same time, it is a socialist economy with universal social services. This article reviews the literature, summarises Cuba's domestic socio-economic strengths and weaknesses prior to the crisis, evaluates the effects of the crisis on the macro-economic and social services indicators, assesses the government response and suggests alternative socio-economic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article sheds new light on Cuba's urban insurrection to oust Fulgencio Batista by focusing on two all-women's anti-Batista groups. It charts the origins and developments of the groups, explores their conceptions about the importance of women's political action and examines the impact that participating in the insurrection had on group members. The article complicates long-standing assumptions about women's low levels of participation in the insurrection and the absence of demands for gender equity among those who did participate by noting that some older women militants had histories with the feminist movement of the 1930s, and that many younger women were forced by the circumstances of the insurrection to confront and challenge contemporary gender norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ciencia en su PC is the property of Instituto de Informacion Cientifica y Tecnologica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the last two and a half decades, Cuban singer-songwriters have composed a worldview that has come to represent Cuba and Cubanness for youth living both on and off the island. The city of Havana figures centrally in this worldview, serving as a site, both real and metaphoric, for its construction. The song repertoire produced by musicians who were born in the years following the revolution is marked by an almost obsessive focus on the city, regardless of whether their careers developed on or off the island. Such songs have tended to be grounded in the physical, taking listeners down specific streets, traversing particular neighborhoods, sitting on curbs and park benches, and visiting local landmarks. Collectively, these songs form a kind of aural map, with each retelling redrawing the city--and its meaning--for listeners. For musicians who have left the island for other shores, Havana remains the destination of a discursive migration, which may be reached in song, if not in person, Musical remappings of the city position new identities in Cuban diasporic communities around the world, celebrating and authenticating the local at the same time that they redraw and superimpose the boundaries of neighborhood, region, and nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world was at war or at least the rest of the world when we birth. It was not clear against whom they were fighting, but the big winner aims to be the U.S.A. - cradle of democracy and freedom. That was the world scenario that awaited us accompanied by the key date for all my generation: 1959 and the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. The photo of Fidel and his companions, with their beards, their olive green uniforms and rifles, would forever change my generation. Until then revolution was something distant, asian: from Russia, China. The victory represented the actuality of the revolution throughout Latin America that would never be the same since. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Much of the external literature on the Cuban Revolution has been characterised by two dichotomies between 'exceptionalism' on the hand and the application of non-Cuban paradigms on the other, and that between Fidel-focussed interpretations and more systemic perspectives. This article examines the evolution of these dichotomies, from initial enthusiasm or condemnation, through an emerging awareness of a historical dimension, a focus on the social revolution, and new disenchantments, to the emergence of a less polemical attention to detail before the post-1991 return to type. In the light of this trajectory, new approaches are suggested to break with these patterns, while acknowledging the challenges for exogenous research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the feminist debate proposed by constructivist theoretical currents, this essay suggests that the prounouncements of Cuban women who developed a critical reflection of the deplorable social conditions in Cuba before the 1959 socialist revolution, are similar to the criticisms that some women's organizations are elaborating at the present time. The article shows that after 45 years of the Cuban Revolution, the social precarity of many women can be seen as a counter argument within Cuban society. The research for this article is based on the reading of primary sources such as the journal "Mujeres Cubanas" speeches of Vilma Espín, and Ofelia Acosta in addition to memoires, speeches and other documents collected by Dra. Lynn Stoner. These documents are found in the Centro de Investigaciones Históricas at the Universidad de Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines nationalist historiography in revolutionary Cuba, focusing in particular on the relationship between pre-revolutionary ‘revisionist’ histories and the revolutionary historiography produced after 1959. Despite agreement among the revolutionaries on the need for new histories to respond to the needs of the revolutionary age, the dominant nationalist historiography of the Revolution repeated many of the myths of the ‘bourgeois’ histories of the past. In the 1960s, however, several historians working at the margins of academia emerged to challenge the nationalist myths perpetuated by both their republican counterparts and by their Marxist adversaries in the University School of History. Yet despite many significant historical re-interpretations undertaken during the Revolution, many of the sacred cows of Cuban nationalism remained firmly on their plinth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]