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Copyright of Academia & Derecho is the property of Universidad Libre - Seccional Cucuta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Among the opposition to the law, the Society of Colombian Farmers (Sociedad de Agricultores de Colombia - SAC-) founded in 1871 and is a historic symbol of the land owners in Colombia. What were its reactions? What were its proposals? After reviewing the institutional journal entitled "National Journal of Agriculture", this article will reconstruct SAC's position through 1960-1975, under the hypothesis that it exerted a strong pressure to thwart the governmental initiative stemming from various campaigns to sway public opinion, legal actions and political events, while at the same time showing a publicly supporting and approving stance to the land reform. In the context of the execution of the Alliance for Progress (AFP), Colombia drove for the second time a land reform law aimed to guarantee the right of property to millions of peasants and to transform the structure. Despite the law favouring the colonisation of uncultivated land over expropriation and promoting the involvement of several political, labor union and military classes, the most conservative political and economic groups opposed the initiative with different strategies. Finally, in 1972, Misael Pastrana's administration (1970-1974) signed an agreement with those critical groups, known as the Chicoral Pact. Thereafter, the opportunity to grant land to peasants was again dismissed. Among the opposition to the law, the Society of Colombian Farmers (Sociedad de Agricultores de Colombia - SAC-) founded in 1871 and is a historic symbol of the land owners in Colombia. What were its reactions? What were its proposals? After reviewing the institutional journal entitled "National Journal of Agriculture", this article will reconstruct SAC's position through 1960-1975, under the hypothesis that it exerted a strong pressure to thwart the governmental initiative stemming from various campaigns to sway public opinion, legal actions and political events, while at the same time showing a publicly supporting and approving stance to the land reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Libre Empresa is the property of Universidad Libre Seccional Cali and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines an under-explored dimension of agrarian reform and peasant studies in Colombia: the pro indiviso property used in the parcel system --created by Law 135 of 1961--, to allocate land to peasants under a collective scheme. Based on the experience of five large estates allocated in pro indiviso to landless peasants in La Mojana (San Marcos, Sucre), it examines the articulation of agrarian regulations with customary property practices in a community in which there are family plots, collective properties and commons. This ethnographic research combines participatory fieldwork involving peasants, interviews with experts in agrarian law and former Incora and Incoder officials, and a review of secondary sources. The study's findings reveal the mixed results of the collective scheme in terms of achieving the economic and social objectives proposed by the State, and in the establishment of rural property. They also question the agrarian individualism by which the peasantry has been represented. This analysis provides a novel perspective to peasant studies based on a perspective grounded in property policies and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaestiones Disputatae is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas, Seccional Tunja and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The debate over the different possible Colombian postconflict scenarios led the aim of a stable and lasting peace to be connected with the realisation of agrarian reform and guaranteed access to land as a way to overcome territorial differences and the urban'rural divide. To achieve this, structural transformation of the Colombian countryside and acceptance of the territorial approach became central parts of the Peace Agreement (or Final Agreement) signed in 2016 between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP. This paper analyses the territorial approach adopted in this agreement, as well as its level of implementation so far, and accepts that the lack of progress on the territoriality of the Colombian conflict will make it difficult to achieve the objectives set out in the peace agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of the provisions of the Final Peace Accord on land should have furnished an unprecedented opportunity for Colombia to overcome traditional obstacles to the effective enforcement of reforms to secure land tenure, provide access to vulnerable groups and realize the productive potential of the Colombian countryside. However, two years later achievements in this field are minimal. While most of the academic discussions are still focused on the tension between ideological positions about the extent of private property rights, this paper will look into some of the policy and institutional challenges faced by the Administration that took office on August 2018. The lack of a strong land policy and institutional frameworks has limited the impact of the implementation of previous reforms and may also impair the reforms pursued by the new Administration. The challenges remain significant and, as this paper asserts, unless they are properly addressed, the risk of another frustrated reform will remain high. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an instrument of the Colombian market-led land reform, the Comprehensive Land Subsidy (SIT) provides for land entitlement to poor peasants and smallholders tied to the development of rural production projects, through a communal property regime in certain cases. Through the case study of Sandrana y Samaría, this paper seeks to analyze the extent to which this land reform instrument and its implementation conditions create the necessary framework for productive and community development based on the acquisition of a land title. To that end, the study focuses on the logic of the main aspects of this policy instrument in the context of the Colombian land reform policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The agrarian problem in Colombia is an economic and political issue. Attempting to solve it, with only technical means has been a failure and it is shown by facts. Although efforts have been made using political means no progress has been made. Colombian history shows that. The lack of an effective democratic solution has limited Colombian social development and has made conflict over land and violence eternal. Through history every land reform effort was followed by a counter reform and the start of a new violent cycle of violence. To prevent new frustrations, there is a need for the State to acknowledge the nature and complexity of the problem and for Government and Congress assume a political commitment with society regarding the new reform initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several attempted redistributive land reforms in Colombia have been systematically blocked by the political influence of the landlords. Although the decentralization process seeks to multiply the social decision spaces in order to bring them closer to the median voter, its fiscal emphasis entails a number of perverse effects. One of these has been to increase the veto power of the landlords. Moreover, the increasing number of "effective political parties" at the local level makes it more difficult to change the status quo since this means a larger number of veto players. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article assesses Colombian agrarian reforms from the beginning of the 20th century. It shows the positive and negative effects of Law 200 of 1936, criticizes the impact of Incora in land distribution in the seventies and the failure of 'campesino' organizations that sought pacific agrarian reforms. The essay highlights the positive effects of DRI on 'campesino' income but recognizes its negative effects on social inequality. Also, it argues that the adoption of free market policies in the nineties deteriorated rural conditions and social inequality. Finally, it evaluates the scope of recent projects and offers some policy recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an instrument of the Colombian market-led land reform, the Comprehensive Land Subsidy (SIT) provides for land entitlement to poor peasants and smallholders tied to the development of rural production projects, through a communal property regime in certain cases. Through the case study of Sandrana y Samaría, this paper seeks to analyze the extent to which this land reform instrument and its implementation conditions create the necessary framework for productive and community development based on the acquisition of a land title. To that end, the study focuses on the logic of the main aspects of this policy instrument in the context of the Colombian land reform policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]