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Copyright of Investigacion & Educacion en Enfermeria is the property of Universidad de Antioquia, Facultad de Enfermeria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Latin American Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: To understand the experience of nursing staff in the care of pregnant women in an Institution of Indigenous Health Services in Colombia. Method: Qualitative, descriptive study, based on the referent of hybrid thematic oral history. The collaborators were 2 nurses and 6 nursing assistants belonging to an indigenous health institution who, through an interview, expressed their ideas regarding the subject under study. The content analysis was carried out following the three phases proposed by Laurence Bardin; pre-analysis, exploration of the material and treatment of the results, inference and interpretation. Results: 3 categories emerged; Institutional maternal health with a focus on culture, Role of nursing staff in caring for indigenous pregnant women, and Perceived barriers to institutional care for indigenous women. Conclusion: The Institution seeks to offer differential care that considers the cultural practices of women, however, the need for structural changes is evident, with a focus on raising awareness and preparing health personnel to provide intercultural care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Tellus is the property of Revista Tellus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper opens the black box of policy co-production processes presented by the Colombian and Ecuadorian governments, regarding the traditional knowledge associated with genetic resources, in keeping with the necessities of Indigenous peoples. The purpose of this paper is to analyze what similarities and differences there exist in the role of the Ecuadorian and Colombian States as organizers, guarantors of plural expression, and facilitators of public deliberation, and how policymakers have opened the space for Indigenous peoples for producing traditional knowledge policy. The paper turns to qualitative research focused on collecting information from public actors. The data obtained assesses our working hypothesis that the role of the State in the production of traditional knowledge policy has been more democratic in Ecuador than in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jangwa Pana is the property of Revista Jangwa Pana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Signos is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective/Context: The year 2021 marked the 50th anniversary of the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC), the first organization established in Colombia to fight for territorial and identity rights of Indigenous Peoples. From a historical perspective and proposing an approach related to the concept of resistance, this paper focuses on how this latter has been expressed through this indigenous movement since its inception. Methodology: The information and reflections presented here are based on a corpus of bibliographical and documentary sources, as well as on a follow-up of the political mobilizations of indigenous peoples in situ, in the media, digital social networks, official minutes, and other statements. Conclusions: The analysis reveals the persistence of indigenous resistance and an expansion of the project that accompanies it, from a struggle for land and territory to efforts carried out along with other actors and social organizations to create a "better world." Originality: The originality of the article consists of an analysis of the political dimensions of the resistance of Indigenous Peoples, which are still little known. In addition, it offers a novel approach to stress the intersection of (sub) national and global dynamics in which the demands of Indigenous Peoples and issues related to Colombia's society and the whole world converge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pensamiento Jurídico is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the Peregrinaciones de Alpha... by Manuel Ancízar. A transcendental neo-granadin author, in journalism, in the editorial field and in politics as well as in the literary genre. In 1849 he enrolled in the Expeditionary Corographical Commission, he carried out to write a geographical and statistical treaty of New Granada (present-day Colombia), recounted in 490 pages and published in its entirety in 1853 under the pseudonym "Alpha". We consider that it pivots on three topics, in our understanding, original before the reflection of a modernizing "national self": 1) territorial borders; 2) cultural thresholds; and 3) indigenous peoples as opposed to the Creole population. The methodology will be critical-hermeneutic. A text "says", thereby provoking an understanding different from what its author intended to convey (Skinner calls it an "archaeological-historical task"). In the hermeneutical aspect, it will be the proposition, rather than the word, that opens us to the representation of the world that Alpha observed. We questioned whether Ancízar, being a liberal, republican and enlightened, was functional to disappear the indigenous peoples, or perhaps his thought tended to seek a "process of mesthetization" of the different practices existing in New Granada in the mid-19th century. We conclude that in those topics there is an intentionality on the part of the author: on the border, the attempt to overcome the divide between self-governed peoples and the government itself that pretends to be national; on the threshold, the diagnosis of a possible "homogenization" through, first, a process of miscegenation; on the sexes, the vindication of the figure of women in those "primitive peoples" and, finally, on the difference between "indigenous" and "criollos", the criticism of the behavior of the latter with respect to the incidence of the culture of the government to which Ancízar responded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Telos is the property of Revista Telos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La presente investigación tiene por objeto ofrecer una aproximación a conceptos y formas de medir la etnicidad y la exclusión social que se puedan generalizar a todo contexto y tiempo y que, por ende, permitan establecer una relación estadísticamente significativa entre estas categorías. La información que se utiliza para implementar la propuesta metodológica proviene de la Encuesta Nacional de Calidad de Vida de Colombia correspondiente al período 2012-2017. Se utilizan conjuntos difusos y mínimos cuadrados ordinarios con un 95% de confianza, y se concluye que cuando la etnicidad se incrementa 1 punto porcentual, el grado de exclusión social aumenta 7 puntos porcentuales en el país. Otras características, como tener un tono de piel más oscuro, autoadscribirse a un grupo étnico, pertenecer a la categoría de inmigrante y vivir en zonas rurales, van en la misma dirección. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Atacameños is the property of Estudios Atacamenos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The various waves of violence, looting and dispossession that indigenous peoples have historically experienced in the territories of Our America, are instituted in a long-lasting epistemic field according to the alternative discourses and paradigms gestated in schools and critical thought centers of the coloniality of the knowledge-power of our time. In this way, this article reflects from a critical decolonial perspective the experience of sociocultural resistance exercised by the native peoples of Tolima-Colombia in times of the current pandemic. The qualitative reflection with analysis of both official and indigenous narratives, allows to conclude that the multiple pandemics of exclusion, racism, discrimination, poverty and covid-19, among others, are forged by the dynamics of control, manipulation and submission on the part of the Hegemonic group functions to the interests of the world-capitalist system of a colonialist nature, for which the overcoming from the indigenous is decisive to survive in the present and in the integral future in the territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Perseitas is the property of Revista Perseitas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of CIVILIZAR: Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Sergio Arboleda and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Taylor & Francis Ltd) is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Two main questions are addressed in this text: how have these indigenous feminine leaders faced cultural restrictions to meet the demands of public life? How have they created a diverse amalgam of capital and knowledge as part of their leadership? The main theoretical elements used in this work are: the sociological perspective and field theory of Bourdieu, studies on intersectionality by Lorde (1984) and Pratt-Clarke (2010), the studies on higher education of Gil (2005), Choque (2015) and Mato (2015), and finally, the feminine leadership studies of Lumby and Coleman (2007). Our methodological approach is the reconstruction of two scholarly and professional personal trajectories from an intersectional perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International Human Rights Law has undergone a transformation and renovation in the past twenty years with respect to indigenous groups, awarding them a series of prerogatives such as a status of their own in International Public Law, under the category of peoples. In this way, the implications of having the condition of and being recognized as a people necessarily lead to establishing self-determination as a human right of these groups. However, despite this recognition, many indigenous peoples continue to be marginalized within Latin American states today. For example, some countries of the region continue to grant transnationals large concessions within the territories of their indigenous peoples, without going through the procedure of Prior Consultation as stipulated in international and as well as in national laws, thus ignoring the indigenous peoples' right to self-determination. In the face of this problem, it was considered important to analyze the extent to which said right is being protected within the Colombian state, and a qualitative research project with documentary analysis was undertaken for that purpose. In this context, the the fundamental conclusion reached in the study was the absence of any real regulation to effectively guarantee the self-determination of indigenous peoples in Colombia. In fact, the very existence of true legal pluralism in the terms described in Article 1 of the Political Constitution of 1991 comes into question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 2009 an indigenous organization called the OPIC (Pluricultural Organization of the Indigenous Peoples of Cauca) appeared in Colombia whose political position differed drastically from that of the country's mainstream indigenous organizations since it openly endorsed the government of Álvaro Uribe. As noted immediately by some journalists and political analysts, it was believed to have been the result of a government strategy to create a division in one sector of the opposition. Such an explanation, however, is reductionist. This article aims to show, by taking advantage both of Gramsci's notion of "passive revolution" and of some features of Discourse Analysis, how the rise of the OPIC was also due to a process of ideological identification of a sector of the indigenous population of Cauca that had deep historical roots in Evangelicalism with the politics of Uribismo. The paper thus seeks to show to what extent it is possible to talk about a right-wing indigenous movement in Colombia based on an understanding of the political dimension of religion and contrary to those who consider the rise of the OPIC to be simply the result of a divisionist and clientelist strategy employed by the Uribe government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the divergence between, on the one hand, the state's obligation to safeguard the rights of indigenous peoples and, on the other, defend national security. Thus, reference is made to the (inter)nationally recognized indigenous right to self-determination, as well as to norms and practices that regulate military activities in ancestral territories. It is argued that the alternative generally proposed to the absolute primacy of national security is a healthy balance between the aforementioned state obligations. However, what does this mean for indigenous autonomy? Has it always been conceived as "indefinitely limited" by security concerns, or could it be that in the name of national security only a certain type of indigenous autonomy can be recognized: a defenceless autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the resettlement policies enacted by the Colombian government in 2005 as a response to the danger of eruption of the Galeras volcano, with a particular focus on the territory of Jenoy. The authors comment on the indigenous population in this region and describe the history of their relationship with the Colombian government dating back to the colonial era. The re-establishment of the Cabildo Indígena (Indigenous Council) as a consequence of the government-sponsored resettlement is also explored.

The preliminary findings of research carried out on behalf of the Fundación Caminos de Identidad (FUCAI) are brought together in this article: the historical memory of violence experiences, and their resistance, and the nonviolent transformative power of the indigenous peoples of the Amazonic Trapezia in Colombia and of the Peba area of the Peruvian Amazon. During the research process participants from the Tikuna, Cokama and Yagua peoples in the Amazonic Trapezia in Colombia, and from the Bora, Okaina, Murui-Muiane and Yagua groups in the Peba Amazon in Peru, became aware of the importance that they give to memory, the wounds that have not yet scarred over, and their meanings, along with the expression and reach of their resistance to violence, and the nonviolent transformative power of their words which they say have enabled them to make a complete transition from 'victims' to 'victorious survivors'. The work was supported and carried out under the auspices of the National Center for Historical Memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies three mobilization episodes in which indigenous, feminists and state crimes victims litigated before the Constitutional Court. After showing which effects can be founded using a perspective focused on the study of judicial decisions, we propose a broader approach to their study that conceives the constitutional legal mobilizations as truly collective actions. The paper states that, from that standpoint, it is possible to identify how the interaction between the State and these three movements has change, as well as their internal transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous leaders are key players for the survival of the indigenous peoples of Colombia, who are at risk of physical and cultural extermination due to the armed conflict and its related factors. This paper critically analyzes the adoption and implementation of differential ethnic approach in the protection of indigenous leaders. The protection program for human rights defenders – including indigenous leaders- in charge of the National Protection Unit of the Ministry of Interior is analyzed in depth. Dilemmas of protecting indigenous leaders as such, in all its specificity and not as any citizens, are also studied. The paper ends with some conclusions and recommendations aiming an effective inclusion of a differential ethnic approach in protecting indigenous leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers a concept of linguistic reparative justice for indigenous peoples, that is, reparative measures addressing the consequences of conquest and colonization on indigenous languages. Particular attention is given to Colombia, where the cultures of indigenous communities have been further afflicted by the armed conflict, in regards to whether the recent native languages law can play a remedial role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to identify what takes place in a particular space of dialogue: the Mesa Permanente de Concertación in Colombia. First, the history of the Mesa is briefly discussed. Second, the dialogue's dynamic between State and indigenous representatives is addressed by analyzing two sessions of the Mesa in 2012. Third, the alleged success of the Decreto Ley de Víctimas 4633 of 2011 is questioned. Fourth, three challenges are identified: delegation, representaron, and the institutionalization of dialogue. In conclusion, it is argued that the dialogue taking place in the Mesa contains its own end so that its objective is always already fulfilled. Indigenous peoples have been heard, regardless of whether any implementation is given to their opinions and suggestions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While memory has been a privileged topic of analysis to understand (post) conflict situations, other ways to regulate the temporality of the victims have received less attention. The metaphors on reparation as a "debt to the victims" are deeply rooted in the language of transitional justice. In this article, based on ethnographic work with indigenous Wayuu communities, the language of debt is analyzed as part of the legitimatizing function of truth and reparation processes undertaken by the State. The central argument is that notions of reparation and debt, when dealing with subjects previously marginalized by violence, involve ways of inscribing state sovereignty through the regulation of temporality. Reparations are then transformed into a permanent delay where the future cannot be seen apart from the submission to the State as sovereign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recoveries of the peoples indigenous to Latin America for his ancient rights, as well as the fights undertaken by the women on the equity and material equality man-to-man and women, have affected in a well-known way in crucial topics as the political participation in the capture of decisions that affect them, in demanding a major incorporation in the social policies, in the fight for the recognition and guarantee of his fundamental rights and in the debates on the perspective of kind, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the history of New Granada (Colombia) leading up to its independence from Spain in the early 19th century. It examines the history of the territory, which was occupied by several indigenous tribal nations before the Spanish conquest in the 1500s. The author analyzes the development of a series of Colombian constitutions, treaties, and agreements made between the 18th and 21st centuries, and their impact on the treatment of the indigenous population. He also studies the relationship between the Colombian government and the Catholic Church as well as ecclesiastical law dealing with the Colombian natives. The status of these peoples in the 21st century and the international law recognizing them are also explored.

This is the final result of an investigation. This article seeks to analyse the discourse elaborated by the Colombian Government concerning the adoption of the text of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples within the General Assembly, on September 13th, 2007. In doing so, Stephen Edelson Toulmin and Michael Scriven's methods of argument analysis will be proposed, basically stressing on the clarification of some meanings, the (un)stated conclusions, the (un)stated assumptions, and an overall evaluation of the discourse. The main purpose of this document is to analyse the relationship between texts, co-texts, and contexts, and their influence within politics and international law. The analysis of these interactions would help policy-makers and academics gain more room for manoeuvre in regard to problem and priority-setting scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Prolegómenos Derechos y Valores is the property of Prolegomenos Derechos y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Cultura y Religión is the property of Miguel Angel Mansilla Aguero and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Analisis Politico is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Colombia it exists from the Constitution of 1991 legal guarantees and policies of recognition of the rights of the indigenous towns, obtained by means of the positivización in the legal ordering of its rights. Thus, the Constitutional confirmation on the multi-cultural and multi-ethnic character of the Colombian State, makes possible the recognition of subject the indigenous towns as of rights whose exercise implies the existence of diverse forms of justice administration. But it is indeed in this cultural recognition, where the interculturalidad and the liberal values emerge de facto tension between universal taxes by the dominant culture. However, to redimensionalizar these tensions and paradoxes helps to understand the complexity of the problematic one between universal and the contextualised rights of the indigenous towns. This way, the interculturalidad is based on the necessity to construct dialógicos spaces between groups, in reading of different form the universal thing, in perceiving different logics and knowledge, confronting and transforming the relations of the power - including the structures and institutions of the society that have naturalized the social asymmetries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on some contemporary narrations by southwestern indigenous peoples, this article proposes a conceptual reflection on the making of "lo indígena" in Colombia in relation to the genocidal processes rooted in modernity. It is argued that the political and ethical significance of the identities, historical consciousness, and political subjectivities of "lo indígena" emerges from within historical experiences of violence whose institutionalization and effects in today modern/colonial world can be seen in terms of a "genocidal continuum". The article also shows that the practices sustaining "lo indígena" are part of embodied cultural memories and forms of moral memory where narratives of suffering, claims to justice, and actions of resistance are closely linked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]