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Significant collaborations with research partners in China are seen in many Western countries. With increasing US-China geopolitical tensions, governments, research institutions, and individuals in established scientific systems are increasingly required to address a proliferating array of risks and challenges associated with collaboration with China. Academic researchers are only beginning to describe how countries are responding to the ongoing need for global scientific collaboration amidst intensifying geopolitical competition. Several studies have examined the securitization of scientific connections with China in the USA, while others have documented developments in nations such as Australia, the UK, and Sweden. However, there is limited comparative research on approaches to international science amid geopolitical tensions. This paper bridges the gap, illuminating the key dimensions of variation in country-level responses by comparing the cases of Sweden and Australia. The questions we ask are as follows: Who responds to the challenges? By what means? And to what ends are responses directed? Swedish government have been largely passive, but Swedish funding agencies have developed "responsible internationalisation" guidelines that aim to induce proactive reflection by institutions and individual researchers. Australia's approach, by contrast, has centred on legislation, the exercise of ministerial powers, along with sector-wide enactment of expanded due diligence protocols. The comparison highlights key differences in the actors, methods and goals of responses to the intensifying geopolitics of scientific collaboration.

As a public compulsory course for Non-English majors in colleges and universities, College Public English should not only develop students' language and cross-cultural communication skills, but also cultivate their correct outlook on life, values, world and native land emotion, which is consistent with the ideological-political goals of the course. English textbook is the guarantee for the smooth progress of English teaching, and more importantly, it is an important carrier to practice Chinese teaching ideas. This paper mainly focuses on how to integrate ideological-political elements into English teaching from textbook perspective. It discusses the measures of integrating ideological-political education into College English courses from four aspects: teaching objectives, unit themes, and knowledge points, grammatical structure and word explanation. It is finally pointed out that exploring and integrating ideological-political elements in textbooks is the key link to realize ideological-political education in College Public English courses.

As the US-China geopolitical tensions escalated, this study sought to investigate how Chinese students respond to the political circumstances when making their post-graduation plans. Drawing from interviews among 15 Chinese international students who graduated from a US university, this study found that most Chinese students did not change their post-graduation plans due to the heightened tensions between the US and China; however, they enacted agency to overcome the difficulties imposed by the geopolitical context. This study challenged the deficit view of international student research by indicating that Chinese students could adapt to a set of perspectives, transform these perspectives into actions, and leverage useful resources to protect their career and life aspirations. The study also warned the danger of the continuity of the anti-China political rhetoric and emphasized the role of higher education institutions in buffering the negative political impact and supporting Chinese and all international students.

Purpose: This study aims to examine the unique lived experiences of international graduate students in light of COVID-19 and the recent sociopolitical climate in the USA (e.g. Black Lives Matter movement, protests against anti-Asian hate crimes and gun violence). Design/methodology/approach: The authors used an exploratory qualitative design embedded within a constructivist/interpretivist paradigm. A total of 31 international health service psychology graduate students completed an online survey, 17 of whom participated in a 60-min one-on-one semi-structured interview. Findings: Participants reported facing a range of difficulties (e.g. travel ban/inability to spend time with family, visa-related concerns, racism, decreased support) during the global pandemic and the recent sociopolitical climate in the USA. A total of 48 themes were identified and organized into six domains: COVID-19-related stress and worry, experiences of racism/discrimination, coping mechanisms, support received, recommendations for programs and higher learning institutions and advice for other international graduate students. Originality/value: The recent sociopolitical climate in the US exacerbated some of the preexisting inequities for international graduate students due to their international student status and the global pandemic. Although few in number, students also spoke about some positive changes as a result of these major historical and political events. Implications for graduate education, clinical practice and policymaking are discussed.

Projecting itself as the inheritor of China's past greatness, the CCP regime increasingly seeks to boost politico-cultural confidence in education and society and turn students and ordinary people into self-confident Chinese. This article identifies the oscillation of focus from victimhood to confidence in state nationalism and patriotic education and interrogates the politics behind the official push for self-confidence. Through the lens of Foucauldian governmentality and subjectivation, it argues that self-confidence serves as a governing technique for the party-state to subjugate people by individuating and subjectivising a verifiable feeling of certainty about the future, which depends on the CCP, pathologises political grievances, and precludes alternative political imaginaries. To be constructive as well as critical, this article draws upon contemporary political theory to suggest that education for humble citizenship, which centres on contingency, interdependence, and critique of the past and present, is key to citizenship education that strives for desubjugation and autonomy.

This study aims to conceptualize "Pyramid-hierarchy" model of the educational policy discourse system in China. Education discourse system is the external education expression form of ideological and theoretical system and knowledge system. Constructing the discourse system of educational policy with Chinese characteristics is a system consisting of a series of internal logical relations, including seven levels of discourse foundation, discourse core, discourse mode, discourse attitude, discourse transmission and discourse innovation. The educational policy discourse system with Chinese characteristics draws lessons from several important elements in the meaning of community, namely mutual emotion, mutual dependence, and common action.

This article analyses the significance of ideological and political education for college students in Tibet and proposes a natural language model for an ideological education curriculum to improve the accuracy of students' document search. The segmentation results are optimized to enhance literature search accuracy, promoting the development of ideological education in Tibetan universities. By utilizing N-gram language models and enhanced technical modes, key information can be quickly obtained, developing students' interest in ideological education. The construction of a corpus is deemed crucial for expedited access to ideological education documents. The study suggests that combining information technology with ideological education can create new opportunities for innovation and reform in the field.

The translation of political discourse differs from the translation of texts in non-political contexts in which political discourse is highly profiled in terms of political sensitivity and policy orientation. It may potentially influence global peace and security. Understanding the features of translating China's political discourse from Chinese to English is of great help to political translators and researchers in studying the problems and strategies of political translation for attaining the above expectation. It is expected to help the international community understand clearer and better the stance, response, and policies adopted by the government in national and international affairs. Therefore, the translation of China's political discourse should deliver the intended information accurately and adequately the national characteristics of the source text and conduct flexible adjustments to conform to the language habits and ways of thinking of the target audience while mainlining the correct political position. This article aims to review and identify the essential characteristics of translating China's political discourse from Chinese to English. It is apparent in understanding the desired political translation effect and some relevant translation problems. The bibliometric research method concludes that the Chinese-to-English translation of China's political discourse has four distinctive features: accuracy, international-audience-centeredness, national characteristics, and political rightness. It is recommended that the translator pay great attention to these features while selecting translation strategies and methods and raise the acceptability of the translated text among the global recipients for promoting an authentic national image of the country.

In recent years, news media have increased reporting about alleged foreign interference in universities worldwide. A flurry of new policies has followed. This article reviews discourse and policy on foreign interference in higher education in select countries. It identifies the alleged perpetrators and victims, the victims' concerns and responses, and the voices shaping the narrative about foreign interference. We combine the concepts of sharp power and right-wing authoritarianism to inform a discourse analysis and comparative policy analysis of a data set of 161 news articles and related media sources spanning a 30-month period of 2019-2021. Our findings highlight how government actors within the United States and Australia drive the international English-language discourse about Chinese foreign interference in a polarized media environment. We observe well-founded fears of China's exploitation of international students and research collaborations to the detriment of national security. At the same time, a resurgent worldwide authoritarian movement is also exploiting these concerns to augment longstanding assaults on higher education. Our study helps to bridge the gap between the primarily positive framing of the internationalization of higher education in scholarly discourse and the negative focus on foreign interference in higher education in the media, government, and other public discourse. It also serves as an important introduction to this phenomenon and call to action for scholars of the internationalization of higher education to conduct further research and actively engage in the broader discourse around this topic.

Recent years, research on curriculum-based ideological and political education has been one of hotspots in the field of higher education in China. Using both literature analysis software of CiteSpace and VOSviewer, visual analysis and information collection have been carried out on 429 papers of Chinese curriculum-based ideological and political education from 2014 to 2021, so as to find out the research focuses and evolution in this field and then to predict the trend in the future. The results are that the hotspots of ideological and political research focus on the definition of its connotation, construction value, and the exploration of practical paths. Furthermore, current research frontiers including "ideological and political elements", "talent cultivation", "college physical education (PE)" and "core socialist values" reflect that the current study focuses on the exploration of practical paths. It is expected that education mechanism, teaching practice research and multidisciplinary research will become the main trends of curriculum-based ideological and political education in China in future.

As a neoliberally-driven test, China's postgraduate entrance exam is gaining an increasing attention nationwide due to the intense competition in the local market and the dramatic size of Chinese students taking the exam. Under the neoliberal mechanism, Chinese candidates are ideologically self-regulated and emotionally-driven to mobilize their resources and maximize their opportunities to pass the exam. Seeing emotion as sociopolitically loaded and ideologically driven, this study unpacks the emotional experiences of Chinese students preparing for postgraduate entrance exam. Findings indicate that, despite their successful performance, Chinese postgraduate students have experienced a series of negative emotions imposed by various socioeconomic factors. Findings also show that their emotional experiences are intertwined with their different identity construction and negotiated between social relations and power. Overall, this article highlights the importance of addressing the need of studying the emotions and language learners from the sociopolitical perspective. The study is closed by the implications for language education and language policy.

This paper examines the enactment of critical literacy pedagogy in secondary English language teaching in the face of globalisation. This qualitative case study signals that global citizenship education (GCE) and English as a foreign language (EFL) teaching can converge through offering equitable and globally contextualised learning opportunities. The overarching themes presented here challenge the dominance of instrumentalist orientations of EFL education in mainland China today while mobilising pedagogical choices that affirm students' local and lived experiences in relation to international socio-political issues. Findings provide EFL educators nuanced insights into how critical global literacies are extended through critical understandings of literacies, interconnections from a personal to a global level, and opportunities for social actions on multicultural issues, thus fostering globally competent and bilingual learners who critically engage with the contested terrain of an increasingly globalised world.

This study aims to explore the effectiveness of exchange programs between Taiwan and mainland China in terms of shaping participants' support for Taiwan, given that the cross-strait relationship has reached a deadlock. Academic and social involvement, social contact, social identity, patriotism, animosity, and political familiarity were integrated into a theoretical framework. The participants, who have joined an exchange program commissioned by the Mainland Affairs Council in Taiwan, were invited. The results showed that the level of involvement can either positively influence patriotism and support for Taiwan, or negatively influence animosity, whereas patriotism can positively influence animosity. This seemingly contradicting result indicates that exchange students who went back to mainland China have developed a coping mechanism in which patriotism does not dominate their support for Taiwan. Hence, the exchange programs, to some extent, were effective in promoting support for Taiwan.

A framing analysis of eight US media with different political bias was done to identify how they positioned themselves regarding the role of China in COVID-19 in the USA. The number of articles in the media varied much with Los Angeles Times leading with 32 articles discovered in the search. About 76% of all articles in the media were negative to China and 24% were sympathetic and only one article (American Conservative) saw the benefit of economic contribution of China to the USA. Both maximum negative and positive articles were seen in Los Angeles Times. All of the articles in the Star Tribune were negative and close to 95% in US today, also. However, the total numbers of articles in these two were only 15 and 19 respectively. Majority of articles in both right-centered and left-centered media were negative with obvious sympathetic stand of left-centered media towards China. On this basis, no definite association between political bias and positive or negative reporting on the role of China in COVID-19 spread in the USA exists for the eight US media studied. The results have been discussed with the aid of other works. Some limitations of this study are also discussed at the end.

As a child god from Chinese legends, the figure of Nezha has a strong appeal to children, and his story has been adapted to various media. This article examines Nezha's image in three animated films, exploring how this figure has been altered to represent Chinese children and youth and symbolize their subjectivity. From a revolutionary hero to a socialized child and a rebellious adolescent, Nezha's transformations demonstrate how an iconic figure has been reimagined to reflect shifting socio-political contexts in the Chinese socialist and post-socialist eras.

Besides Foucault's own focus on liberal contexts, the relatively limited application of his thoughts in illiberal countries may also result from the misunderstanding of power. The traditional juridico-discursive model interprets power as a possession wielded by one group over others, merely functioning as something forbidden. Thus, policy analysts risk falling into the trap of 'naive optimism or pessimism' -- by overemphasizing either the secondary adjustment or strict sovereign control. Returning to Foucault's observation of the 'sovereignty-discipline-government society' triangle, this study examines how discipline establishes the linkage between sovereign will and self-government in both (neo)liberal and illiberal nations, aiming to: first, theoretically clarify how modern forms of power in different political systems overlap and co-operate with each other, thus justifying the expansion of Foucault's ideas into illiberal contexts; second, demonstrate the interpenetration of agency and constraints through empirical exploration of Chinese transnational higher education policy enactment, and by so doing to avoid the centralization circle or policy experimentation hypothesis framework; third, highlight the importance of discipline in realizing the 'tricky combination' of totalization and individualization through producing capable subjects for authoritarian objective in modern societies.

The centralized compilation and use of educational materials for the three subjects of language arts, ethics and the rule of law (ideology and politics), and history are important moves in the fundamental task of creating educational materials to build up the state's authority and instill virtue and nurturing the young. Here, centrally compiled educational materials for language arts have unique advantages with respect to strengthening education in the standard spoken and written Chinese language, enhancing the cohesion of the Chinese nation, and so on, and they play an irreplaceable role in forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation. Centered on the "Five Identifications," this study sets out from the three-dimensional perspective of cognitive factors, affective factors and behavioral factors, to build a framework for analysis of educational materials based on the connotations of the sense of community for the Chinese nation. The characteristics of the representation of the connotative factors of the sense of community for the Chinese nation in centrally compiled educational materials for language arts are: The educational materials comprehensively and emphatically embody the educational content of the "Five Identifications"; the educational content for the different types of identification comprehensively addresses educational objectives in the three areas of cognition, affection and behavior; and educational content on cultural identification is the most enriched. Among the inherent mechanisms for forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation through the centralized compilation of educational materials for language arts, the first is organically integrating the connotative factors of the sense of community for the Chinese nation on the basis of the patterns of the subject of language arts as well as curriculum standards; the second is to use cultural identification as a focal point in promoting education for the "Five Identifications," while highlighting the unique value of the subject of language arts; and the third is to comprehensively strengthen education for identification with the community of the Chinese nation centered on the text selection system, in combination with the design of form factors and educational activities. The main pathways for forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation through the centralized compilation of educational materials for language arts are: (1) Synchronously strengthening identification with the community of the Chinese nation in the process of improving students' language arts skills and accomplishments, based on the learning situation; (2) Creating three-dimensional educational objectives for education in the community of the Chinese nation on the basis of cognitive patterns, to build firm ideological foundations; (3) Applying diverse teaching methods and educational techniques to promote consolidation of the sense of community for the Chinese nation in language arts studies and in life. [Translation by Carissa Fletcher.]

The cause of ethnic unity progress is a foundational cause for forging a sense of community for the Chinese Nation, and progressive education for school ethnic unity is an important, integral part of the cause of ethnic unity progress. Progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity are school curricula explicitly stipulated by the state. It is an important, integral part of the system of school thought and politics curricula and a completely new curriculum form. Progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity plays a critical, important role in firmly establishing the correct view of the motherland, ethnicity, culture, and history for students of all ethnicities and is also a basic path and vehicle for building a common spiritual home for all ethnicities and firmly molding a consciousness of the community of the Chinese nation. There is a solid theoretical foundation, rich practical explorations, and real need for building progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity. Properly building a system of progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity with Chinese characteristics is an important responsibility for education workers in the new era. [Translation by Jeff Keller.]

Forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation is the main line of ethnic affairs in the new era, and also a hot topic of research in theories about the Chinese nation today. The scientific connotations of education about forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation includes three aspects: conceptual content, theoretical content, and practical content. The core of the conceptual content lies in forging the conscious sense of community for the Chinese nation, to internalize the concept of national unity. The theoretical content includes the theory of ethnic affairs with Chinese characteristics in the new era and the theory of modernization of national governance. This focuses on the "discursive consciousness" of forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation to give national unity a sound basis. The practical content of forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation includes using education about national unity, national unification, and national rejuvenation to forge a sense of a united community for the Chinese nation, to make the ideal of national unity apparent in action. Only with a comprehensive and in-depth understanding of the scientific content of education about the sense of community for the Chinese nation can we effectively implement the ideal of the community of the Chinese nation "that shares good or ill, that shares honour or disgrace, that shares life or death, and that shares a common destiny." [Translated by Desmond Cheung.]

Patriotism is controversial in moral education across contexts. In China, patriotism is highly politicised by the government and heavily promoted in education. In the last few decades, the moralisation of patriotism, which refers here to the framing of patriotism as a virtue, has become the focus of teaching patriotism in China. This paper demonstrates how patriotism is moralised and promoted in Chinese moral education textbooks. The paper begins by providing a theoretical introduction to patriotism in moral education and defending a rational approach to teaching patriotism given its controversial nature. Then it elaborates on the Chinese context of teaching patriotism and analyses patriotism as part of moral education in Chinese textbooks. Our findings indicate various ways in which patriotism is promoted in Chinese education as a non-controversial virtue and moral duty. Finally, the paper discusses the limitations of this way of teaching patriotism and argues for the adoption of the rational approach as an alternative.

Linguistic schoolscapes (LS), according to Brown ([2012]. The linguistic landscape of educational spaces: Language revitalization and schools in southeastern Estonia. In D. Gorter, H. F. Marten, & L. Van Mensel (Eds.), Minority languages in the linguistic landscape (pp. 281--298). Palgrave-Macmillan., can represent the identity and image of educational institutions in linguistic landscapes as semi-public contexts which emphasise education and learning. In this article, we explore institutional identity as cultural and educational, looking specifically at LS to represent an image of internationalisation while maintaining a Chinese culture and as space for minority language education. We take a geosemiotic perspective (Scollon & Scollon, 2003) which emphasises the social meaning of the schoolscapes examined. The case study explores the LS of three universities in one ethnic minority region of the PRC -- Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region. The analyses suggest that the universities use LS to present an image of quality education and internationalisation while allowing a smaller, symbolic function to the minority language. Pedagogical opportunities for multilingual education via LS are limited, especially for minority ethnic language education, resulting in a weak environment for Zhuang vitality. As we seek to understand how language is located in the LS of these universities, we also seek to understand the social meanings in the LS and to recommend ways forward in support of the minority language and multilingualism.

Identity issues have been an area of focus in language learning motivation scholarship. However, the role of national identity in language learning motivation has not received sufficient attention. In response to the timely call for reflections on nationalism and language education, this study examines how political nationalism and cultural nationalism shape Chinese learners' motivation to learn Japanese. Our analysis suggests that cultural nationalism considerably enhances Chinese learners' motivation whereas the motivational impact of political nationalism is bifurcate. Our research helps illuminate the mechanism of the rooted L2 self and national interest in language learning motivation, especially in the Chinese context.

This study applies CDA and story grammar analysis to investigate how Chinese language textbooks for primary schools foster Chinese national identity through their depiction of Chinese people struggling against foreign invaders. The analysis was conducted on 12 textbooks and the findings were based on stories featuring a range of ages, from children to soldiers and artists, who all displayed patriotic spirit and were willing to risk their lives for China. The textbooks also highlight China's past humiliation, such as the Nanjing Massacre and the loss of territories such as Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan. The authors of those textbooks seek to encourage the students' national identity by promoting a sense of patriotism, sacrifice, vigilance against foreign threats, affirmation for the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and putting the interests of the People's Republic of China (PRC) ahead of personal interests. Additionally, students are expected to have a strong sense of territorial sovereignty, recognizing Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan as parts of China. However, the results also show that the portrayal of Chinese national identity is Han-centric, excluding ethnic minorities.

In the face of complex and changeable world, the smooth development of civilization needs the guidance of Karl Marx's thought. The era Marx faced was not fundamentally different from the times we live in today, and Marx's theory, which was born in that era and directly used to analyze it, is not outdated yet. Some of Marx's basic standpoints and views about civilization, including his basic theoretical propositions on the understanding of civilization itself, the goal of civilization, this historical process and requirement of the development of civilization, the conditions and environment for the progress of civilization, the laws and roads of the development of civilization, and the exchanges between and spread of civilizations, are still of immense value today.

The study of phenomenological Marxism in China can be divided into three stages up to the present. The first stage spanned from the 1980s to the second half of the 1990s. During this period Luo Keting consciously set up the project of combining phenomenology with Marxism, and the boom in Sartre studies brought about the wide spread of existential Marxism. The second stage spanned from the second half of the 1990s to the 2010s, when Marxist researchers and Western philosophical researchers in China energetically attempted the combination of phenomenology and Marxism. The third stage has run from 2010s to the present, in which specialized teams of researchers have researched phenomenological Marxism, and Chinese researchers have gradually showed their own awareness of problems facing Chinese society. However, how a phenomenological Marxism based on subjectivity can construct a holistic view of history is a problem that still needs to be deeply explored.

Moral education is a core component of ideological and political courses in primary and secondary schools and universities in China, and also an important part of contemporary Chinese Marxist educational theory and practice. In Chinese senior high schools, the main curriculum and platform for moral education is ideological and political courses. The "Ideological and Political Curriculum Standards for General Senior High Schools (2017 Edition, 2020 Revised)" issued by the Ministry of Education of the People's Republic of China explicitly includes a course on logical thinking in the ideological and political curriculum in general senior high schools, strengthening the importance of logic in moral education there. In this paper, the authors explain the necessity of intensifying logic training for contemporary Chinese teenagers, introduce and interpret the relevant contents in the "Ideological and Political Curriculum Standards for General Senior High Schools (2017 Edition, 2020 Revised)," and put forward some theoretical suggestions on how to conduct teaching on the subject of logic.

Marxist philosophy of education plays a key role in contemporary education in China, serving as an important theoretical foundation for reforms. With a history of more than one hundred years in China, Marxist philosophy of education has gone through three major historical stages: emergence (before 1949), localization (from 1949 to 1979), and new development (after 1979). Looking back and reflecting on the exploration of Marxist philosophy of education in China, it can be found that the following problems still remain to be solved: first, the dogmatic tendency of Marxism still needs to be avoided; second, the study of the original classics of Marxism is not enough; third, there is no adequate response to major practical problems in education; and fourth, there is no adequate interdisciplinary and international academic exchange.

The basic problem of development is the very concept of it. Since the dawn of modern China development has gone from being seen as nothing to something; more recently, under the guidance of Marxism, the conceptualization of it has fully drawn on experiences and lessons from Western modernization and the quintessence of outstanding traditional Chinese culture, namely 'zhong he wei yu, an suo sui sheng' (literally meaning that 'the world will be set in a proper order and life will be nourished when the condition of the 'harmonious mean' is reached, and all beings will fulfill their lives once they get comfortable with their positions'). As a result, the Sinicized Marxist concept of development has formed, which differs from that of the West and takes the being of humans as its core standpoint. The concept of development from the perspective of being emphasizes that being is the basic content of development, regards co-existence as a realistic basis of development, and aims at the pursuit of a happy, well-being life as the ultimate goal. The Sinicized Marxist concept of development is not only of great significance to the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, but also of great value to the development of Marxism and the progress of contemporary mankind.

This grounded theory research investigated the experiences of 25 Chinese graduate students attending a Christian university in the United States, most of whom self-identified as atheist or nonreligious upon entry. Interview and questionnaire data identified that 23 of 25 participants experienced an overall increased openness to Christianity during their graduate studies; two students' worldview remained approximately the same. However, in that process of worldview change, all participants experienced competing influences that affected their perceptions of Christianity--some influences increased their openness to Christianity and some influences inhibited their openness to Christianity. To restate: Whereas my first article published in this journal focused on influences that increased openness to Christianity, this sequel article focuses solely on the influences participants described as having "decreased" (or "inhibited") their openness to Christianity in theoretical--curricular and relational--cultural dimensions. These 10 inhibitors include (a) Participants' Surprise at Discovering They Were Attending a Christian University; (b) Modern Chinese Education's Naturalist Training; (c) Nonsystematic Presentations of Christianity; (d) Religious Pragmatism and Relativity; (e) China's Climate of Pressure and Corruption; (f) Chinese Communist Party Membership, Affiliation, or Influence; (g) Pushy Chinese-Speaking Church Movements; (h) Cynicism of "Fake" Conversion; (i) Mockery From Peers; and (j) Perceived Hypocrisy of Christians. The article concludes with Implications for Practice for Christian university administrators and faculty working at institutions that enroll Chinese students as well as student life organizations and other personnel seeking to serve the Chinese university student population.

Nuosu script, a unique character-based script with a long history, permeates the public spaces of Xichang, the capital of the Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture in southwest China. Using interviews, photos, observations, and documents, this qualitative study discovers the uses and meanings of Nuosu script in the linguistic landscape (LL). The research findings reveal surprising disjunctions between language policy and lived experience. Rather than communicating linguistic messages on the surface, Nuosu script has a sociocultural subtext supporting ethnic pride and collective identity. The script is an important marker of Nuosu culture even for those who cannot read. Nuosu in the LL carries little of the information load, is subordinate to Chinese writing in prominence, functions as a cultural token, and does not prioritise accuracy or naturalness. Nonetheless, Nuosu people affirm that seeing Nuosu script in public spaces helps to develop their language and preserve their culture. The results of this ethnographic study make important contributions to our understanding of writing systems and linguistic landscapes. The uses and meanings of Nuosu script in Xichang illustrate how orthographies, language policies, and local language communities in multilingual and multicultural environments interact to negotiate and construct identities in broader political and social contexts.

Based on a report on Dr. Li Wenliang in the British mainstream BBC media under the epidemic of COVID-2019, this paper analyzes from three perspectives guided by Halliday's Systemic Functional Grammar: transitivity, mood and personal pronoun. It is found that the material process appears most frequently which shows that the news reports mainly reproduce the event process. The second is the verbal process, which shows that news reports are good at making use of multi-channel speech sources to enhance the authority and objectivity of reports. The third is the relational process and psychological process, which reflects the subtlety of news report content and the concealment of attitude. This paper reveals the ideological direction implied in the news reports through seemingly neutral and objective reports, aiming at providing reference for readers in the process of reading Chinese and foreign political discourse.

Purpose: Amidst ongoing attempts to think beyond Western frameworks for education, there is a tendency to overlook Japan, perhaps because it appears highly modern. This is striking given that some prominent strands of Japanese philosophy have formulated an explicit and exacting challenge to the core onto-epistemic premises of modern Western thought. It is also surprising because Japanese educational practices have resulted in some of the highest achievement outcomes--both cognitive and noncognitive--found anywhere in the world and inculcate a worldview that is distinct. Design/Approach/Methods: Herein, we thus attempt to make visible the potential contribution of modern Japanese philosophy by outlining some of the core ideas, then turn to sketch resonances with and responses to other projects outlined in this Special Issue. Our approach is elucidation through relational comparison. Findings: Through this process, we suggest that the notion of self-negation as a mode of learning may be helpful in explaining why--at the empirical level--the outlook of Japanese students, and perhaps other East Asian students, diverge markedly from their Western peers. Yet we also find that an attempt, such as ours, to link divergent onto-epistemic thought to alternative empirical hypotheses quickly gives rise to various doubts and discomforts, even among otherwise sympathetic scholars. Originality/Value: In directly responding to these doubts, one original contribution of our piece is to show just how difficult it may ultimately be to divest from the symbolic foundations already laid by Western liberalism: Even if divergent thought can be imagined and different cultural narratives explored, dominant readings of empirical "realities" continue to be entrapped in the logic laid by Western liberalism.

Critical Discourse Analysis is an interdisciplinary approach to the study of discourse regarding language as a form of social practice. As a specific discourse, news discourse is a representation of the journalists' expression and construction of events, as well as readers' understanding and cognition of the events reported. It functions as a carrier that transmits ideologies and social values. Recently, news reports on the trade conflicts between China and the US has been the focus of world attention. A study of news reports on Sino-US trade conflicts with Critical Discourse Analysis approach helps interpret the relation between language use and social contexts and reveal ideological significance and power struggle in language. Twenty pieces of news reports on China's tariff actions on the United States, collected from "The New York Times" from 2018 to 2019 are studied and the result shows that the use of language in the news texts is not arbitrary, but rather dominated by the medium. The options of lexical expressions in news, the selection of clause types and the position of participants enable the medium to construct a negative image of China and to define China as an unfavorable country. The reasons deciding the language use in this discourse are the tension and balance of the power relation between the U.S. and China in the trade war, and the institution's favor of the American interest, the American political hegemony and the advocacy of force.

This article examines how politics has shaped Hong Kong's education system and the curriculum 23 years after the British handover of Hong Kong to China. Particularly, through the concept of nationalism, the article examines how the education system is being shaped. The article is intended to provide international readers with a perspective of the political and socio-educational dynamics at play in Hong Kong. The central question at issue is: how has political culture and identity been promoted in school education under the framework of "One Country, Two Systems" after the transfer of Hong Kong sovereignty from Britain to China? Two areas--the censorship of curriculum materials and the politicization of nationalism-- particularly reflect the influence of power relationships, and the historical and societal pressures on the formation of students' identity in school education.

The study focuses on defining specifics of the language policy and planning in the Russian Federation, the USA, and China within the modern political discourse of the 21st century by means of exploring materials from Russian, American and Chinese media. The empirical base of the study included statistical and sociological data describing the sociolinguistic situation in the studied countries as well as materials from the latest Russian-language and English-language media which served as a source of factual and linguistic data. The authors investigated electronic publications of the following newspapers and their applications published from 2005 to April 2020: "Arguments and Facts", "Vedomosti", "Izvestia", "Kommersant", "Rossiyskaya Gazeta" (835 extended contexts) in the Russian Federation, "The Washington Post", "The New York Times" (998 extended contexts) in the USA, "News.cn", "Shanghai Daily", "China Daily" (846 extended contexts) in China. The examination of data was carried out using corpus linguistics methods (context selection, concordance analysis and frequency study) and lexical-semantic analysis as well as contextual (distribution) method, content analysis, indicative method, BIG DATA analysis, CAWI method. Furthermore, the study employed such analysis tools as Time Traveler, Google trends, etc. The study reports current trends in the development of language policy and planning in Russia, the USA and China in the 21st century. The analysis of media content allows to outline the prospects for mutual enrichment through integrating the latest positive trends in the development of language policy for a globalizing world while preserving and maintaining the orientation towards self-identity of every country, every language and every culture.

Slogan has a sound mass base in China for thousands of years, functioning as guidelines for civic practice. Even today, Chinese slogans are often employed by the government to promote policies and socio-cultural values. This paper, adopting an ecolinguistic approach, explores the development of Chinese slogans during the four economic stages since the foundation of PRC (People's Republic of China) to find out how slogans influence the relationship between men, and man and the ecosystem. It is discovered that Chinese slogans in the recent decades have experienced great changes in terms of discourse type, the beneficial degree of discourse and the ecosophy they carry. They changed gradually from destructive discourse to harmonious discourse and they reflect the transition of Chinese ecological philosophy--from 'anthropocentrism', 'growthism', and 'classism' to 'harmonism'. It is hoped that this study can shed light on the eco-discourse analysis to policy language and will bring insight into its future creation.

This study delves into emic perceptions of Chinese international doctoral students' navigation of a disrupted study trajectory during the 2019 coronavirus pandemic. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with students and the conceptual framework of bioecological systems theory and needs-response agency, the article reveals a nuanced picture of how activities, relations and roles nested in a PhD study trajectory are impacted by and respond to the crisis. Specifically, the pandemic has instigated a ripple effect upon PhD study that is embedded within a complex system of person-environment factors in the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem and macrosystem. Confronting these changes and challenges, the students enact needs-response agency to cope with these impacts so as to restore stability. The study concludes with some practical implications for related stakeholders in the bioecological system to generate conditions and support for students to harness possibilities for growth amidst and beyond the health crisis.

This project is contextualized in Shijing Xu and Michael Connelly's (2013- 2020) SSHRC Partnership Grant Project, Canada-China Reciprocal Learning in Teacher Education and School Education. The goal of the SSHRC Partnership Grant Project is to compare Canadian and Chinese education in such a way that the cultural narratives of each provide frameworks for understanding and appreciating educational similarities and differences (Xu & Connelly, 2017). The overall goal centers on reciprocal learning in teacher education between Canada and China. Xu and Connelly (2017) emphasize research that focuses on centering the voices of teachers in both Canada and China. This work seeks to help the project by providing data on China's politics curriculum to create a better understanding of China's education system, and to gain some insight into the hopes and dreams of Chinese politics teachers.

Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis's "Schooling in Capitalist America," a classic book in the field of education, has become more influential in the last twenty years than it was during the first several years following its publication. Interestingly, however, there are some widespread misconceptions about the book. In this paper, Jianguo Zhang investigates four of the primary critiques of "Schooling in Capitalist America" and then offers a critical defense of the book. He argues further that for Chinese scholars in education, this book is not only a classic, but it is also an outstanding model for how to apply Marxism to the field of education. It is particularly significant in the context of recent calls in China for a return to class analysis in the social sciences. On a worldwide scale, "Schooling" depicts the strong link between Karl Marx and education, which may benefit critical analysis of Marx's legacy to the field of education. Finally, the book may also serve to draw our imagination of education back to theoretical resources of socialism.

Just as classic Marxist writers are included among the world's top-class artists, Chinese Marxism has gradually nurtured a new tradition of modern aesthetics. This tradition serves to enlighten the people, cultivate their appreciation of artistic masterpieces, and thus establish a complete set of artistic systems that has been inspiring people to constantly reflect on and improve themselves. Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and Xi Jinping, among other leaders, acquired a deep understanding of Marxist aesthetics and incorporated it in their policy making. At present, while reviewing the artistic achievements in the past hundred years, we must be fully aware of the deficiencies caused by reductionism and shortsightedness in literature and art. In order to overcome those problems, there are some useful lessons for artists and writers: getting in touch with people's concerns, depicting the lives they are familiar with, paying attention to national styles, deciphering the patterns of geographical aesthetics, and pursuing artistic individuality.

The study of dialectical logic has a history of nearly one hundred years in China. It is significant for understanding both the growth of Chinese logic and the Sinicization of Marxism to review dialectical logic in the context of introducing the study of Marxism in China. Debates about dialectical logic in Chinese academic circles involve not only the problems of logic itself, but more importantly the understanding of Marxist philosophy. In the 1920s and 1930s, some Marxist researchers in China were influenced by the philosophers and logicians of the former Soviet Union, and they came very close to equating dialectical logic with Marxist dialectics. They also identified the formal logic originating from ancient Greece as metaphysics, praising the former and criticizing the latter. In the upsurge of Marxist philosophy in the 1950s and 1960s, Chinese logicians carried out normal and formal academic research on dialectical logic. During the period from the end of 1970s to the end of 1990s, the research and teaching of dialectical logic in China reached its heyday, and logicians performed comprehensive and detailed research on some critical issues, including the basic laws of dialectical logic, which they tried to formalize. Since the beginning of the 21st century, dialectical logic has ceased to prosper and has faded from the core field of the discipline of logic, although some honorable scholars still persist in studying it.

Textology has gradually become an important field and special research area in the overall pattern of Chinese Marxism since the beginning of the 21st century. Scholars have honed new explanations with new understandings concerning the relations between the origins of Marx's thought and the Western cultural tradition, the continuity and essence of Marx's thought through change, the complexity of Marx's theory of capital and the arduousness of the criticisms against it, and the concrete contents of communism. Reflecting on the various attitudes in understanding Marx historically allows an exploration into the basis and method of Marx's 'textology' that pursues in-depth case studies of texts. This helps to rectify long-standing misunderstandings and to realize the contemporary development and lasting value of Marx's thought.

The axiological research in contemporary Chinese Marxism has always oriented itself towards the practice of reform and opening up, profoundly expressing the practical logic of reform and opening up by way of the theoretical logic of axiology. First, contemporary Chinese axiology focuses on the concept of value and reveals its essence, it explores the relationship between truth and value, deepens the understanding of practice as a standard, and thus it provides a philosophical basis for solving the problem of right and wrong in the practice of China's reform and opening up. Second, contemporary Chinese axiology frames evaluation standards and examines their rationality, considers the 'three-favorables' criterion and also provides a theoretical basis for solving the problems of good and bad in the practice of China's reform and opening up. Third, it considers the change of values and the conflict of values, constructs core socialist values, and responds to the question of 'what is socialism and how to build it' from the perspective of value, thus providing the most fundamental conceptual and theoretical support for promoting both the reform and opening up and the construction of the practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Understanding the development of contemporary Chinese axiology on the basis of the practice of reform and opening up makes us not only grasp accurately the overall picture of contemporary Chinese axiology, but also understand better the academic pursuit and practical implications of contemporary Chinese Marxist research.