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The US has imposed substantial additional tariffs on thousands of types of products imported from China. These measures are inconsistent with the bound tariff rates and the MFN rule set forth in the GATT. When challenged before the WTO by China with respect to these measures, the US invoked the public morals exception under Article XX(a) of the GATT as defence. The US invocation of this defence was examined and dismissed by the WTO panel in US – Tariff Measures. This note briefly examines the public morals exception in the GATT, the US measures and defences as well as the findings in the panel report in this dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's accession in the World Trade Organization was one of the hotly debated topics in international trade arena. Ironically, after years of incense that the West was trying to keep China out of the trade body hence it was a long battle for China to get access in this multilateral trade regime. Many worried before the accession that China's trade will face tremendous competition from the west, the agricultural and infant industries will face a vulnerable condition and that China as a nation will become knotted in a global capitalist network that will erode the country's sovereignty. By contrast, the optimists' view was that China's entry will promote the rule of law in the country, reduce the state interference over the citizen and accelerate China's trade into new level and thus China's entry will benefit not only China but also the global community. Though there were difficulties to reform the trade policies and legal system to make it conformity with WTO standards but China got the chance to reinforce the directions in which China's economy and polity have been moving in recent years. By examining China's accession history in WTO, particularly since it signed the Havana Charter, this Article finds its experience in the GATT and aneagerness to participate the multilateral trading system and a objective to change its trade policy and legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like many states in the Global South, the Australian economy relies heavily on the natural resource sector for a large proportion of its export earnings. Four decades ago, this basic similarity eventually induced Australian governments to become 'fellow travellers' with the G77 quest for a new international economic order. When that quest was put to rest by the rise of neo-liberalism, Australian governments then became fervent believers in free rather than managed trade; but in the contemporary era where neo-liberalism is now a dying policy creed, Australia's current resource boom begs the question of whether the time is now ripe for Canberra to reinvent this role. What the rationales might be for that 'back to the future' policy move is explored in the context of Australia's iron ore trade with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1997, Hong Kong will once again be a part of the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the past decade imports from China into the United States have risen from almost nothing to the point where China is now the leading supplier of imported textiles and apparel to the United States. As this change occurred, Hong Kong has played a major role in contracting and marketing for the Chinese textile and apparel producers, particularly those located in Guangdong (Canton) province. Together with the approaching phase-out of the Multifiber Arrangement (MFA), the integration of Hong Kong into China will make the latter an even stronger and more influential force in the U.S. market. This integration will probably pose a formidable challenge to the U.S. textile and apparel industries, but wilt also give opportunities. With Hong Kong providing the ideal springboard, China offers excellent opportunities for those U.S. textile and apparel manufacturers who can exhibit wisdom, patience, long term views and a willingness to learn the culture of the consumer market in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]