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This article explores the intricacies of replicating China's structural economic transformation through special economic zones (SEZs) in Africa, with a focus on the Eastern Industry Zone (EIZ) in Ethiopia. Combining insights from empirical research and the literature on China's development model, African SEZs and Chinese economic and trade cooperation zones (ETCZs) in Africa, we contend that while static industrialisation policies can be transposed more readily, the dynamic aspects that underpin China's model face challenges due to differences in institutional capacity and contextual synergies (internal and external). This hampers the efficacy of ETCZs in steering structural economic transformation. The article advocates for a more creative adaptation process, urging dynamic learning and leadership level innovation to address institutional and structural weaknesses while reducing vulnerability to externalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Complex and dynamic interaction between agents and institutional contexts on both sides determine outcomes. • Chinese contractors-host ruling elites- regulatory environment is the most influential interaction, often negative. • Bargaining between ruling elites and local authorities and civil society, is a second line of influence, often positive. • Preliminary outcomes question the exceptionalism of Chinese approach. This special issue aspires to contribute to the nascent literature on the developmental impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its implications for global development governance. It is our contention that the BRI offers a unique window for a better understanding of China's dual role as a development agent and a development-norms shaper. This introductory essay attempts to systematize theoretical insights drawn from in-depth empirical research along key nodes of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR), one key dimension of the BRI. This special issue provides valuable insights into BRI implementation on recipient countries by examining key infrastructure projects with the aim of uncovering the complexity of the variables determining BRI dynamics and outcomes. The contributions highlight the versatility and the fragmentation of the BRI as a cooperation platform, and the variegated nature of engagement patterns and outcomes on the ground. The findings of this collection of studies suggest that these variations are ultimately a function of the complex interaction between institutional contexts and agents from both sides (China and host countries), and that the quality and sustainability of such interplay has a significant bearing on developmental outcomes. Moreover, as with traditional donors, inconsistencies between the official rhetoric and the actual implementation dynamics and developmental outcomes may subsequently undermine China's legitimacy as a development 'norm-maker' and cooperation partner. Overall, our findings question the exceptionalism of China's development cooperation approach and hence the prospects for the emergence of an alternative and more effective development paradigm appear slim at this juncture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Chinese-led regional forums in the developing world where the Chinese preponderance of economic power is self-evident, its financial largesse is readily utilised to sustain these endeavours, its bureaucracies are empowered to guide the conduct of institutional activities, and its normative intentions and interests are given fullest expression. This assessment of two such Chinese-instigated regional forums in the developing world suggests that despite the professed norms on ‘political equality’ and ‘mutual benefit’ and efforts to ensure the maintenance of Chinese interests over time, China’s stance is increasingly contested by developing country member states. These challenges invariably take the form of struggles over the structuring of key administrative organs and the decision-making process and as such are reflective of norms, interests and expectations held by developing country members. In other words although China holds a preponderance of structural power within these regional forums there is an ongoing process of socialisation—driven by developing country member states—aimed at reshaping China’s behaviour to bring it more closely in line with the other members’ interests. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper discusses China's use of infrastructure-for-resources loans in Africa as a win–win economic cooperation tool. This formula, offering generous loans for infrastructure in exchange for resource access, came into being largely as a default cooperation tool, inspired by China's own domestic experience, its competitive advantages and Africa's receptivity to this kind of barter deal. Embodying the principle of mutual benefit, China has consistently combined the extension of financial assistance for infrastructure construction in Africa with the expansion of Chinese business interests and the pursuit of resource security goals. The analysis focuses on whether this instrument is actually promoting African development or fuelling instead China's economic growth at the expense of African economies. The author argues that the impact has been mixed. Although there are some meaningful positive signs, many challenges persist, and as such the long-term developmental impact of this particular tool remains uncertain. The responsibility to ensure a positive outcome rests, however, on the African side as much as on China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its announcement in 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has inspired an ever-growing stream of literature cutting across several disciplines, with highest concentration of studies in the social sciences. Unsurprisingly a great deal of these studies are concerned with the rationale behind this massive undertaking and its potential impact in the current world order. Here a clear rift is apparent between those who think of it as a tool serving China's geopolitical interests and rise at the world stage, and those who see it as a more nebulous and fragmented undertaking driven by domestic economic and political pressures. A similar concern is reflected in a smaller body of literature that looks at the BRI from a development angle, the dominant inquiry line revolving around its likely impact in global development governance and the underlying neoliberal cooperation norms and practices. Here too there is a clear divide between those who see China's increasing development agency as a positive complement and those who perceive it in a direct collision course with the neoliberal aid paradigm. This dichotomy of interpretations project two contrasting images of China's development agency that are often difficult to reconcile. This study contributes to this body of literature by providing a profile of China's development agency according to its own words. Since 2015 a raft of BRI policy documents have been published by Beijing to fill the initial void and regain control over the narrative. Through a content analysis of key policy papers and speeches, we attempt to uncover what are the initiative's aims, governance mechanisms, normative under pinnings, and targeted areas as per the official discourse. In doing so we hope to bring more clarity as to the nature of China developmental agency. Based on our findings we argue that much like its domestic development model, China's development cooperation approach is pragmatically hybrid with the rhetoric showing clear signs of convergence but also divergence with the dominant paradigm. The evolving discourse suggests a highly fluid approach and thus a work in constant progress, which progression hinges upon reactive and cumulative adjustments to feedback as the initiative is rolled out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most notable features of the forging of China's new activist foreign policy towards Africa is its emphasis on the historical context of the relationship. These invocations of the past, stretching back to the 15th century but rife with references to events in the 19th century and the cold war period, are regular features of Chinese diplomacy in Africa. Indeed, it is the persistence of its use and the concurrent claim of a continuity of underlying purpose that marks Chinese foreign policy out from western approaches which have by and large been content to avoid discussions of the past (for obvious reasons) or insisting on any policy continuities. However, beneath the platitudes of solidarity is a reading of Chinese historical relations with Africa emanating from Beijing that is, as any student of contemporary African history will know, at times at odds with the historical record of Chinese involvement on the continent. This article will examine the use and meaning of history in the construction of China's Africa policy. It will do so through first, a brief discussion of the relationship between foreign policy, identity and history; second, a survey of Chinese foreign policy towards Africa from 1955 to 1996; third, an analysis of the implications of Beijing's approach for its efforts to achieve foreign policy aims regionally and globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]