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This study examines manifestations of verbal aggression in an intergroup context between Mainland Chinese and Taiwanese on computer-mediated communication (CMC) discussion boards. We examine the role of perceptions of national identity and face in occasioning instances of aggression in Sino-Taiwanese online interactions. It will be argued that there is a fundamental difference between Mainland Chinese and Taiwanese ways of displaying aggression when discussing cross-Strait issues. While the Taiwanese use abusive terms in order to "dissociate" themselves from the Mainland Chinese, the latter tend to "associate" themselves with Taiwanese through terms that subsume Taiwanese claims to a national identity within a broader pan-Chinese identity, thereby implicitly displaying a social claim of sovereignty and cultural supremacy over Taiwan. We argue that these differences can be traced to evaluations by Taiwanese of these associative moves as threatening to their perceived national face. We conclude that this illustrates that face should be analysed not only at the level of interpersonal interaction but also at the intergroup level. (Contains 5 tables and 12 footnotes.)

This study explores how the government of mainland China values Chinese nationalism as a component of its historical memory and traces its relationship with music education from the twentieth century to the global age within broader social contexts. In a rapidly commercializing and modernizing China, nationalism remains the main driving force shaping Chinese music education, while historical nationalism and familial relationship have been reinforced by the current regime's educational socialization. Love for country and family and an emphasis on nationalism and Confucianism are the pragmatic tools employed by Chinese authorities to maintain their primacy in and power over education, particularly song teaching.

This article provides a comparative evaluation of Chinese character reform in the People's Republic of China and Japan, with a particular focus on the latest changes announced in 2009 to the existing script policies in the two countries. The first Chinese script reform took place in 1956 and the first Japanese script reform in 1946, both for the purpose of simplifying the scripts to facilitate mass education. In the 1980s, prompted by nationalistic sentiments and economic security, both countries backtracked on their script reform policies and adopted a more conservative approach that put an end to any further simplification of the script. The conservative trend which continued into the new millennium is reflected in the two latest reforms. Both China and Japan have moved further away from phonetizing the script in their effort to address issues related to information and communication technology. (Contains 2 notes.)

This article discusses the development of music education in China and the integration of cultural politics and nationalism, using Shanghai, twentieth-century China's most developed city, as a case study; it examines the historical and political processes in Shanghai's music education to show what is cultural about politics and what is political about the culture of singing. Significant internal and external events both have contributed to contemporary Chinese national identity and music education. The former include the 1911 end of the Qing dynasty and establishment of the Republic of China, the 1919 May Fourth Movement and the 1925 May Thirtieth Movement; the latter include the 1842 Sino-British Opium War, the 1894-1895 Sino-Japanese War and the 1937-1945 Sino-Japanese War. By means of historical review and analysis, this article traces the development of music education in Shanghai and examines the political and cultural forces that have, for many years, informed the integration of collective singing and political (anti-imperialist and nationalist) activities. This article argues that singing (in particular the singing of songs that express popular anti-imperialist attitudes) has played a critical role in mobilising Chinese nationalism in school music education, which has, in turn, reinforced national identity in the face of foreign aggression and fostered nation-building. Chinese intellectuals and musicians were the dominant forces in arousing patriotic sentiments through music education from the late Qing dynasty to the 1910s, whilst Chinese social activists and Communist revolutionaries were powerful promoters of patriotic and revolutionary songs from the 1920s to the 1940s. (Contains 7 notes.)

The authors, one from China and one from the United States, present a theoretical framework for understanding the discursive fields of citizenship education as composed, in large part, of the discourses of nationalism, globalization, and cosmopolitanism. The framework is illustrated by examples from citizenship education in China and the United States. Citizenship education in these examples is largely influenced by the discourse of nationalism. The discursive fields are fractured, context-specific, and dynamic. In conclusion, the authors call for awareness of how these discourses operate, and propose that the discourses of globalization and cosmopolitanism merge and strengthen within citizenship education. The effect could be a new citizenship education that is responsive to the current needs of local and global democratic communities.

This article critically examines how interactions between social changes, social harmony, and historical memory shape school music education in China. As a historical review and documentary analysis, it traces the historical development of music education and examines the Chinese government's role in such interactions over time. The article argues that the Chinese government uses music and music education as an influential nation-building system to enrich the politics of memory. In particular, it adapts the nation's past for political ends, and passes on state-prescribed values to its citizens with a view to legitimising its power. The dynamics and dilemmas that challenge school education result from two divergent aims: (1) to combine the functional education of Confucianism and nationalism so as to encourage social harmony and maintain national myths; and (2) to encourage popular and other world music with traditional Chinese music by using multicultural teaching strategies in music lessons. The question remains how to balance ideas of social harmony, musical cultures and nationalism in school music education in the contexts of current Chinese education policies, teacher education and the globally oriented economics of China today.

The paper reviews Asia-Pacific higher education and university research, focusing principally on the "Confucian" education nations Japan, Korea, China, Hong Kong China, Taiwan, Singapore and Vietnam. Except for Vietnam, these systems exhibit a special developmental dynamism--still playing out everywhere except Japan--and have created a distinctive model of higher education more effective in some respects than systems in North America, the English-speaking world and Europe where the modern university was incubated. The Confucian Model rests on four interdependent elements: (1) strong nation-state shaping of structures, funding and priorities; (2) a tendency to universal tertiary participation, partly financed by growing levels of household funding of tuition, sustained by a private duty, grounded in Confucian values, to invest in education; (3) "one chance" national examinations that mediate social competition and university hierarchy and focus family commitments to education; (4) accelerated public investment in research and "world-class" universities. The Model has downsides for social equity in participation, and in the potential for state interference in executive autonomy and academic creativity. But together with economic growth amid low tax regimes, the Confucian Model enables these systems to move forward rapidly and simultaneously in relation to each and all of mass tertiary participation, university quality, and research quantity and quality.

This paper explores how race, religion and national origin intersect in one transnational context. In an educational ethnography, I encountered a discourse that called for overseas Chinese to convert and evangelise other Chinese (in China), which won many followers in Canada. Using Critical Race Theory and the notion of "intersectionality," I analyse the shared understandings of race and national identity, and the shared experience of institutionalised discrimination in everyday life in this community. I suggest that sanctioned and enabled by Canadian "banal nationalism" and racism, structural discrimination against racialised minority immigrants contributes to difficulties they experience in settlement. Intersecting with racism and banal nationalism, Christian evangelism offers many Chinese immigrants an alternative frame to understand the meaning and purpose of immigration and of living as racialised immigrants. Implications for immigrant settlement and for education in general are discussed. (Contains 3 notes.)

The "twisted cyber spy" affair began in 2010, when Google was attacked by Chinese cyber-warriors charged with stealing Google's intellectual property, planting viruses in its computers, and hacking the accounts of Chinese human rights activists. In the ensuing international embroglio, the US mainstream press, corporate leaders, and White House deployed what I call the rhetoric of belligerent humanitarianism to try to shame the Chinese while making a case for global free markets, unfettered speech, and emerging democracy. That rhetorical strategy carries heavy baggage, however, as it tends to insult the international community, exalt neo-liberal capitalism, sound paternalistic, and feel missionary. Belligerent humanitarianism sounds prudent, however, when compared to the rhetorical strategy of the US military-industrial complex, which marshals the rhetoric of warhawk hysteria to escalate threats into crises and political questions into armed inevitabilities. To counter these two rhetorical strategies, this essay argues that China's leaders deploy the rhetoric of traumatized nationalism, wherein they merge a biting sense of imperial victimage, Maoist tropes of heroism, and a new-found sense of market mastery to portray the US as a tottering land of hypocrisy and China as the rising hope for a new world order. The "Twisted Cyber Spy" affair therefore offers a case study of US-Chinese communication in an age of globalization. (Contains 34 notes.)

This article reports on an ethnographic case study that explored how Chinese learners' national identities were displayed and reconstructed through their English language-learning journeys in Britain. Drawing on a variety of sources (ethnographic observations, informal conversations, diaries, and narrative interviews), the analysis focuses on the Chinese learners' raising self-awareness of being Chinese and their attitudes towards Japanese students, South Korean students, and students from Taiwan. This study found that during their English language learning journeys in Britain, the Chinese learners tended to affirm and often displayed their membership with respect to China and Chinese national imagination, which contributed to heightened senses of Chinese national identity and increased patriotism. At the same time, the experience of interacting with Japanese students, South Korean students, and students from Taiwan encouraged the Chinese learners to question and critically reexamine their own attitudes and values related to their national identities. Then, the elements that made up an individual's Chinese national identity were brought under scrutiny and negotiation. Implications for classroom practices are also discussed.

The authors of this article analyze the expressions of extreme patriotism and promotion of nationalism on the Internet by some young people (the kind of young people frequently referred to as "angry youth") during the popularization of network technology and the rapid development of popular culture in the new century. Proceeding from domestic social problems and a number of important events in international contacts as well as from the angry youth's own characteristics, the authors analyze the reasons for the emergence of these angry youth and put forward their own suggestions on how to deal with them.

The book "China Is Unhappy" that made the list of best sellers not so long ago is blowing like an icy wind in spring and is poisoning the nation's mental state as though laden with a virus of unhappiness. Those who are most susceptible to it are groups of underage persons with mentalities that are still fragile and young people who have just come of age. The author argues in favor of a healthy, liberal nationalism that can defend China's interests, and suggests that the book "China Is Unhappy" is a more dangerous book than the 1996 best-seller "China Can Say No"--by some of the same authors--because unlike the first book the more recent volume is capable of mobilizing people to action.

If one puts together "China Is Unhappy" and the book "China Can Say No" of 13 years ago, one is quite likely to get the impression that "China's nationalism is heating up." "China does not wish to lead anyone, and should only think of leading itself"--those are the words printed on the back cover of "China Can Say No," whereas the book "China Is Unhappy," which was hotly debated in the spring of 2009, clearly states that China should have big international goals, "the first of which is to suppress the bad and support the good in this world, and the second of which is to administer more and greater resources than China currently has for the well-being of the world's people." Taken from the popular magazine "Oriental Outlook Weekly," this article features interviews with two of the authors of the best-selling book "China Is Unhappy," as well as an interview with Xu Jilin, one of China's most prominent liberal scholars, reflecting the wide range of opinions on the rise of China and its implications for the world.

Many earthshaking events took place in China in 2008: the ice and snow in South China, the Lhasa riots, the hindrances to the Olympic torch relay, the Wenchuan earthquake, anticorruption in Taiwan, the Beijing Olympics, and many more. Many of these incidents triggered acute Internet altercations. In conformity with the pattern of Internet bickering everyone has become accustomed to in recent years, the loudest voices were always those that issued from two opposing extremes. This article contrasts two extreme positions representing the "left" ("extreme nationalism") and the "right" ("national nihilism"). The importance of the Internet in allowing these positions to be widely disseminated is noted.

This article focuses on how issues of power and identity were negotiated when doing a critical sociolinguistic ethnography as a Spanish researcher in the Chinese educational context. Data come from fieldwork conducted in 3 different primary and secondary schools together in Zhejiang province, where inside- and outside-classroom interactional/discursive practices were analyzed in relation to the current sociopolitical/socioeconomic conditions of China. The study shows how new cultural resources are being legitimated by the institutionalization of new rituals based on the contemporary Chinese nationalism. In this research context, relationships with all my participants were fully built up around my regional identity as a "Westerner." Although that category did not make sense to me at the very beginning of the fieldwork, it became a key issue through the research process, as it was reproduced to negotiate both my own role within the schools and the meaning of everyday practices. (Contains 5 footnotes and 5 figures.)

A unit on China's ethnicities provides students rich opportunities to explore multiple themes in the social studies while helping them to develop a deeper understanding of recent events in western China. Studying China's ethnic minorities encompasses such topics as stereotyping, cultural diversity, the creation of ethnic identities, and key historical and geographic concepts. The rise to dominance of Han Chinese culture within East Asia, the nature of Han/non-Han relations, the emergence of nation-states and nationalism, and the development of ethnic and political identities are major threads in world history. Finally, a study of the modern period presents students with opportunities to examine questions of power, authority, governance, human and civil rights, and international relations. Regardless of which thematic vehicle students use, they should be able to demonstrate an understanding of these key points: (1) Definitions of diversity vary among cultures and change over time; (2) Ethnic identities are not immutable; they result from a variety of forces--self, group, other groups and the state--and are negotiated or evolve over time; (3) The development of the majority Han Chinese identity and its relationship with minority groups has a complex history; (4) The emergence of nationalism is a relatively new development in world history; (5) The roots of the current issues in Tibet and Xinjiang go back to the expansion of the Qing Empire, the emergence of European-style nationalism, and the conflict between "empire" and "nation-state" that began with European expansion; (6) The designation, "nationalities" ("minzu") in China is the result of influence from Soviet social science; and (7) Modern concepts of civil and human rights are understood differently in different settings, both by those engaged in struggles for them and by those accused of repressing them. Helping students to develop a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the events in western China is not the only reason for spending class time investigating minorities in China. Through a rigorous examination of the Chinese case, students also develop a better understanding of the complexities of ethnic and political identities, questions of sovereignty, and civil and human rights globally, while they develop and hone their skills in critical analysis, persuasion, reading, writing, and action. (Contains 5 notes and 7 online resources.)

The year 2008 marked the 11th anniversary of Hong Kong's return from the UK to the People's Republic of China. In this decade, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government has repeatedly emphasised the importance of the development of national identity and patriotism in school education, and has at the same time introduced diverse cultural values into the school curriculum. This article explores the dynamics and complexity of the relationships between the state, globalisation and nationalism in Hong Kong that are re-shaping music education in response to contemporary socio-political changes. It argues that Hong Kong school music education has made a gradual cultural shift towards globalism and nationalism, and away from the Westernism that has dominated Hong Kong music education since before the change of sovereignty on 1 July 1997. The article concludes with a discussion of how music education might juggle two pairs of relationships in the curriculum: between global and national cultures; and between the education of cultural values and nationalism in Chinese music. There is pressure to rethink teacher education in terms of the need to be aware of the socio-political environment in which it operates, and within which it makes music education socially relevant.

National identity is one of the most important forms of ideology that affects human behaviours. Yet, the issue of whether it influences history teachers' subject matter knowledge or teaching practice is overlooked most of the time. With regime change in Taiwan, history curriculum and textbooks are no longer dominated by a China-centred narrative; more Taiwanese history is included in the curriculum. Given the fact that the Taiwanese are split on the issue of national identity, it is important to understand if and how teachers vary in their historical knowledge and instruction. This study examines the issue by investigating the relationships between Taiwanese junior high school history teachers' national identities, their subject matter knowledge and teaching practices. The result indicates that teachers' national identities significantly relate to their historical knowledge and conceptions about history, but bear no relationship to their teaching approaches. Pro-independence teachers have significantly more knowledge in both Taiwanese and Chinese histories and have better conceptions about the nature of history, but they do not necessarily choose to provide students multiple perspectives and interpretations. The implications for democratic citizenship education and teacher education are discussed. (Contains 2 notes and 6 tables.)

The Christian missionary movement is a kind of global movement that aims to evangelize the whole world; hence the concept of globalization can be useful for the study of Christianity as a worldwide movement. However, recent studies have suggested another equally important concept: the process of localization, which runs parallel to the process of globalization. Hence, the present paper attempts to take Christian higher education as a case study and tries to reveal a better picture of the interplay between the processes of globalization and localization. An attempt was made to compare the sociopolitical contexts in three Northeast Asian countries, namely China, Japan, and Korea, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and to see how Christian higher education had responded to the issue of nationalism in these countries. It was found that Christian higher education in the three countries played very different roles when they were encountering different situations, and they had come to different fates in the three countries under study.

In considering how to advance Sino-foreign educational cooperation, there is a need to differentiate between educational sovereignty and educational rights. This analysis considers the issue in detail so that Sino-foreign cooperation in school administration can move further forward. This can happen only if China can maintain educational sovereignty and clarify educational rights. (Contains 3 notes.)

This paper examines music education's legitimation of values as a means of preparing students for entry into the new "knowledge society" of the People's Republic of China in a global age. It explores the ways in which values education relates to the teaching of both musical and non-musical meanings in the dual context of nationalism and globalization, and discusses some problems that values education faces in school music classrooms. It examines the ways in which globalization has pressured values education into resolving the apparent contradiction between national identity and national unity in the ever-changing play of Chinese history and politics. It concludes with a discussion of how music education might juggle three pairs of apparently contradictory relationships in the curriculum: between contemporary cultural and social values on the one hand, and traditional Chinese and Communist ideologies on the other; between collectivism and individualism; and between national and global cultures. (Contains 39 notes.)

In China, ethnic identity refers to both one's own ethnic identity and the identity of the Chinese nation. It is of great significance not only to individuals' mental health and full play of psychological functions but also to ethnic solidarity and regional and national stability. On the whole, ethnic minority college students in the Southwestern regions have positive national identity and behavior tendency. Universities and colleges should further uplift students' national identity and improve their behavior through education.

Developing national identity is a goal of schools around the world. Historically this goal has been especially important for nations coming out of colonization as new governments seek to unify their nations and promote national identities. From 1842 to 1997, Hong Kong was a British colony whose excellent harbor made it a linchpin of British economic interests within Asia. When the British lease expired and Hong Kong returned to the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1997, its schools faced a new goal: fostering students identity as citizens of China. How have Hong Kong schools, with over a hundred years of British curricula, made efforts to teach students to understand China and identify as Chinese citizens? Relying upon lessons developed by Hong Kong teachers to meet such goals, this article provides insights into teaching about China and Chinese identity from the perspectives of elementary teachers and students in Hong Kong.

This article examines the representation of Chinese identity in museums in the People's Republic of China, comparing this briefly with the portrayal of local and national identities in Hong Kong and Taiwan. In particular, the article looks at the implications for museums of the shift in emphasis within state ideology from socialism to patriotism--a shift that has been particularly marked since the early 1990s. Museums in contemporary China are officially designated as "bases for patriotic education", but the content of the "patriotism" that they are meant to promote remains in many respects vague or problematic. One of the key tensions here is that between a deep-rooted assumption of equivalence between "Chinese" and "Han" culture and history, and the multicultural reality of the contemporary People's Republic--including as it does a range of non-Han groups such as Tibetans, Uighurs and Mongols. The progressive abandonment of socialism has in some ways exposed these contradictions more starkly in recent years. Meanwhile, the homogenous and totalising official vision of Chinese identity in general, and Han identity in particular, is contested either at the popular or the official level (or both) in the largely Han communities of Hong Kong and Taiwan. In a rapidly commercialising and modernising China, the promotion of a state-centred patriotism has become a key instrument for the regime in its efforts to preserve its legitimacy, and museums represent a key element in this strategy. (Contains 7 notes.)

Economic globalisation is the defining characteristic of our age and a process which is transforming the parameters of the national state and global power relations. However, it is also a contradictory, uneven and unpredictable phenomenon. East Asia has been at the epicenter of globalisation for the past 30 years and will continue to be so with the rise of China's economy. The region has been one of the main beneficiaries of the globalisation process, with exceptional geo-political advantages producing terms of engagement with the global economy not matched by other developing regions. However, its relations have also been paradoxical. At a time when globalisation theory predicted the demise of the national economy and the waning of national identity, East Asian growth was driven, above all, by the developmental state, with strong and interventionist Governments often successfully supporting "national" neo-merchantilist economic policies and strong state identities. Some argue that the developmental state has now run its historical course, made redundant by its own success in the global market. This article examines the evidence for the changing nature of the state in the global economy and asks what are the likely future forms of the state in East Asia. (Contains 3 notes.)

After reunification with the People's Republic of China in 1997, Hong Kong was turned into a special administrative region. The new government has repeatedly emphasised the development of national identity and patriotism. One of the locations where these issues might be expected to appear is in the teaching of Government and Public Affairs (GPA), an optional subject offered to secondary students aged 15-18. The aim of this paper is to study the perceptions of GPA teachers in order to address two issues. First, how do GPA teachers who teach politics in schools construe "national identity" and "patriotism"? Second, do the teachers believe studying politics through the subject GPA can enhance national identity and patriotism among the students? The findings show that the teachers understand national identity and patriotism critically. They insist politics should be taught in a rational way. At the same time, they think teaching politics in a rational way, with no appeal to the emotions as is the current practice, will enhance neither the students' sense of national identity nor their patriotism.

The Han sphere, including Vietnam, Korea, Japan, Taiwan and China, adopted Han characters and classical Han writing as the official written language before the 20th century. However, great changes came with the advent of the 20th century. After World War II, Han characters in Vietnam and Korea were officially replaced by the romanised "Chu Quoc Ngu" and phonemic Hangul, respectively. In Japan, the number of Han characters in use decreased, and the syllabic "Kana" system was promoted to a national status. In Taiwan, although Taiwanese romanisation was developed centuries ago, Han characters remain the dominant orthography in current Taiwanese society. This paper examines Taiwan's orthographic transition from the perspective of the Han sphere. Both internal and external factors have contributed to the different outcomes of orthographic reform in these countries. Internal factors include the general public's demand for literacy and anti-feudal hierarchy. External factors include the political relationships between these countries and the origin of Han characters (i.e. China). (Contains 5 notes.)

The proposition of "the more national, the more international", when applied to education, is not absolutely right. Given education, educational research and the modernization of educational research, these can be more international only when their essence represents, reflects or implies the trend of human education and educational research. Otherwise, it would not be the case.

Objective: To explore the characteristics of the spiritual beliefs among junior high school students. Method: 431 junior high school students are measured by Students' Basic Information Questionnaire (SBIQ) and Middle School Students' Spiritual Beliefs Questionnaire (MSSSBQ). Results: (1) The overall characteristics of the spiritual beliefs among junior high school students are as follows: social beliefs rank first, practical faith second, and supernatural beliefs last. The ranks of the seven beliefs from high to low are nationalism, political conviction, family's doctrine, life worship, religious beliefs, money/material and gods worship. (2) Boy students have higher political conviction and money/material faith than girl students. Girl students have higher religious beliefs than boy students. (3) On the beliefs of money/material and life worship, students in Grade 9 take the first place, Grade 8 second and Grade 7 last. (4) Non-student cadres have stronger money/material faith than cadres. (5) League members have higher political beliefs than non-members. (6) Students who are good at studies have stronger national faith than students who are average or poor at studies. Students who are poor at studies have stronger money/material faith than other students. Conclusion: The spiritual beliefs of junior high school students are positive.

A great deal of research has addressed the tension between economic globalization and local cultural identity, and the tension between convergence in global policy objectives and divergence in local practices, but research has not explored the impact of the complex interactions between these tensions on an individual university, especially in relation to university autonomy. This paper attempts to bridge this gap. Based on a case study of Tsinghua University in China, this paper explores the university's role in three interrelated processes: the incorporation of international experience into higher education, in order to respond to economic globalization; the reinforcement of political education, as a means of preserving the state-prescribed cultural identity; and the quest for autonomy, to facilitate the university's move towards world-class status. Tensions raised by the interaction of these processes will also be discussed. This paper concludes by applying the concept of "glocalization"--i.e., "thinking and acting both globally and locally"--as a means of understanding the complex interrelations of global, national, and local factors that inform the translation of global imperatives into local realities in the context of Tsinghua. (Contains 1 note.)

Academic discourse is a way of questioning and exposition in academic research. For a long time, talking about China in a Western way has caused two harmful consequences, which separated theoretical research from its object and from its subject of researches in the field of Chinese educational studies. With the prerequisite of cherishing our own culture, it is an inner need for Chinese educational development to explore the national discourse in educational studies, i.e., talking about Chinese problems in the Chinese way.

This article raises several opinions to thoroughly carry the spirit of the Sixteenth Party Congress, adapt to the requirements of the new situation and tasks, completely raise the ideological and moral quality of minors, and further strengthen and improve the development of ideology and morality among minors. Strengthening and improving the development of ideology and morality among minors is the shared duty of the entire Party and all of society. All relevant organizations and sectors of society should vigorously promote the spirit of truth-seeking and pragmatism, take effective measures on the basis of their own duties and responsibilities, focus on implementation, dare to explore and innovate, pay attention to working effectiveness, and conscientiously turn into reality each task in the strengthening and improvement of the development of ideology and morality among minors. This article also presents the guiding ideology, basic principles, and primary tasks for strengthening and improving the development of ideology and morality among minors.It also considers the important roles of the communist youth league and young pioneers in the development of ideology and morality among minors, as well as conducting a wide range of moral practice activities for minors.

Moral education is political, ideological, moral, and psychological quality education conducted for students. It plays a decisive and guiding role in upholding the socialist nature of schools, assuring the correct political direction in cultivating talent, and promoting the all-around development of students. Guided by Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, and Comrade Deng Xiaoping's theory of developing socialism with Chinese characteristics, schools must earnestly implement national education policy and the Outline on the Reform and Development of Chinese Education, actively promoting educational and teaching reform, conscientiously ensuring the status of moral education, and doing their best in moral education work in order to cultivate dedicated builders and successors of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics who have ideals, morality, culture, and discipline. The Outline on Secondary School Moral Education presented here stipulates the state's basic requirements for secondary school moral education work and for the moral character of secondary school students. It is the primary document guiding moral education work in secondary schools; the basic standard for educational departments at all levels for the scientific management, guidance, and evaluation of secondary school moral education work; and the basic foundation on which families and society can collaborate closely with schools in the moral education of secondary school students. (Contains 1 note.)

In recent decades, educational and curricular reforms worldwide have been designed with the goal of preparing citizens for the challenges of globalization. Globalization has been thought to require the broadening of children's occupational perspectives beyond conventional geopolitical borders and cultures. And this requirement has led to doubts about the importance of borders and nation-states and to calls for a multileveled citizenship polity. This article discusses citizenship education in detail. Sections include: (1) Globalization, Nation-State, and Citizenship Education; (2) Broadening the Global Component of Citizenship Education; (3) From Delocalization to Localization in Citizenship Education; (4) Localism in the Hong Kong Curriculum in the 1990s; (5) "Nativist" Education in Taiwan in the 1990s; (6) Redefining the National Dimension of Citizenship Education; (6) Chinese Identity Tendencies in Taiwanese Education; and (7) The Tension of Global and Local Identity in a Multileveled Community.

This article examines the reflection of national goals and ideologies in the civic education curricula of Mainland China and Taiwan. A comparison of junior secondary school textbooks from the 1950s and the 1990s shows how the curriculum embodies the states' changing national priorities and justificatory ideologies. Specifically, in the early period, the focus of the curriculum was on goals and values which distinguished each state from the other. By the 1990s, despite continuing ideological differences, there was a common focus on the importance of economic and social development. (Contains 4 tables.)

As a result of Taiwan's peculiar political situation, national identity has become a crucial and controversial issue in the history curriculum. This chapter analyzes the changing role of nationalism in the history curriculum from 1980 onwards, focusing on the ways in which politics has affected the history curriculum. In particular, it examines how, why and to what extent the focus of the curriculum has shifted from China to Taiwan. Relying on analysis of the content of official syllabuses and textbooks for elementary and junior high schools, it concludes that Chinese identity was emphasized before the 1990s, while Taiwanese identity has been given greater emphasis more recently. The emergence of the identity issue has been part cause, part consequence of the democratization process and the shift of political power away from the KMT old-guard and towards more "nativist" Taiwanese elements.

Presents a detailed study of the language planning situation in Taiwan. After a general account of the socio-historical context in which the planning activities have taken place, a brief review of what happened in terms of language planning in Mainland China under the Nationalist government between 1911 and 1945 is presented. (Author/VWL)