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The war that Russia has waged in the Ukraine in shifting world geopolitics. We cannot see yet the cadence of changes to come. It remains to be seen whether the shifts that impact on the world system for instance the breakdown of the global markets, may be a sympton of conunctural or structural transformations. In fact, the global division of labor and distribution is suffering a maior disarrangement. The geopolitical risk data sugest that tightness between Kremlin and the NATO.is in a dangerous high level, the indicators warn about the polarization of the USA and China interests. China s advantage is favored by russian loss of institutional and economic status in the global framework. So, in the following pages, they are valued some geopolitical drifts of the current war in Ukraine, such as the one concerning Europe (European Union), in the rethinking its borders, or the European's ability to manage war timings according to the continental security interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American policy towards China is now up for grabs, with hardliners and soft-liners battling for the upper hand. The hardliners view China as an existential threat to American security and interests. The soft-liners regard China as a powerful counterpart, on occasion friend, competitor, or adversary, but not an existential threat. In my view, the hardline approach – to be pursued through protectionist trade policies and aggressive technology policies — would prove disastrous, weakening the world economy and creating a self-fulfilling grave risk of future conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A storm is brewing 100 kilometers above the Pacific Rim. The early 21st century finds the People's Republic of China in the throes of astronomical economic growth, national development, and military expansion. The United States, meanwhile, is staunchly determined to develop an effective missile defense system and to extend its military capabilities in space as it pursues its global war on terrorism. China sees U.S. military space activities as a threat and, along with Russia, has pushed hard in recent years for a ban on all space weapons. So far, the United States has been unwilling to negotiate on the subject, claiming that the 1967 Outer Space Treaty-which bans weapons of mass destruction in space, but not other weapons-is sufficient. Pursuing space weapons without coming to an understanding with the Chinese does not serve U.S. national security interests. There is a better way. Article IV of the 1967 Outer Space Treaty should be extended in a targeted manner that will alleviate the worst of China's worries-space-based kinetic kill vehicles and lasers, and ground-based anti-satellite weapons-while at the same time leaving the United States plenty of room to pursue its other military and strategic interests in space. By following the examples set by UNCLOS III and the ABM and SALT treaties, China, Russia, and the United States can amend Article IV in a way that will be acceptable to all sides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses about various issues related to the U.S. security policy on China. This discussion shows that, from China's perspective, the key to improving the U.S.-China relations is not stressing common interests in reality, but stressing China's long-term goodwill. The most important issue in the U.S.-China security relations is Taiwan issue. When dealing with Taiwan issue, China should also take into account how to influence the U.S. concerns about gains. The U.S., therefore, might adopt a more co-operative policy on China.