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History teaching is often seen as essential to the project of nation-building and construction of national identity. Despite the rise of disciplinary approach, national master narratives and nationalist history teaching remain predominant in many countries. While most of the extant research were done on large nation-states, this study is focused on a refugee community. By employing qualitative thematic analysis of interviews conducted with fifteen teachers, it investigates Tibetan teachers' perceptions on the goals of teaching social studies and history in the Tibetan refugee schools in India. It argues that, for Tibetan refugees, who are engaged in a nationalist struggle for freedom and whose identity is threatened by displacement, history is perceived as pivotal to the construction of their ethno-national identity and the nationalist struggle.

Scholarship on the 'manufacturing of citizenship' has focused primarily on European and American nationalism. Scholars have noted the scarcity of research on identity construction among children in the Diaspora. This study explores the role of the altruistic principle and the Middle Way approach (a political strategy for the resolution of Sino-Tibetan issues) on the construction of nationalism amongst Tibetan children in Diaspora. The 2004 Basic Education Policy for Tibetans stresses the principle of 'altruism' in the identity construction of Tibetan children. Inclusive nationalism is germane in the schooling process. The study presents an interview analysis of four Tibetan Education Ministers about the intersection of altruistic principle, the Middle Way approach, and Tibetan nationalism. Additionally, 34 school children (14 boys and 20 girls) from the 6th, 7th, and 8th grades participated in a drawing activity. The analysis of children's 'cultural artifacts of nationalism' is also included. The study found that neither the Tibetan children nor the Ministers expressed any feeling of hatred or animosity towards Chinese nationals. The willingness and desire to co-exist in harmony with their counterparts were evident. The principle of altruism is deeply entrenched in the Middle Way approach and Tibetan nationalism.

This study examines how India – both as a modern nation-state and a symbolic geography – is digested by Chinese self-cultivators to negotiate their belonging in China's spiritual nationhood, defined as the landscape of belief that corresponds to the geo-body of the nation-state. It follows the practitioners of Oneness (Heyi), one of the most popular Indian new religious movements in China today, for whom such negotiations are riddled with tensions. While Oneness practitioners align themselves with political orthodoxy disseminated by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), emphasizing China's special role as a spiritual leader for humanity, they engage in quasi-religious heterodox practices, risking being labeled an "evil cult" (xie jiao). These frictions occur at the junction of two contrasting notions of spiritual nationhood, one derived from lingxing (spirituality) and the other from jingshen, a secularized notion of spirit that situates the CCP as the sacred center of the polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's declaration of an Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) over parts of the East China Sea has been discursively constructed as a threat to regional security by Indian commentators. The Indian government meanwhile has not released an official assessment of the Chinese ADIZ. Unofficial commentators extrapolate the threat into a possible Chinese ADIZ over the disputed border with India. This article examines how the Indian security community interprets and discursively constructs the ADIZ threat. Threat, identity and recommendations for response are constructed, drawing from national identity's contested concepts and ideational elements present within the Sino-Indian security equation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This address was intended to be and remains about global circulatory processes and the ways that human societies have sought to deploy, control, or regulate these processes. In this essay, I principally consider how nationalist ideologies regulate global circulatory processes. The parallel with the current COVID-19 crisis is evident, and my remarks do suggest some similarities. Although COVID-19 is not the topic I engage here, my theme alerts us to thinking methodologically about largely invisible or inconspicuous modes of circulation and their consequences, less dire but deeply transformative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This response to Ashish Rajadhyaksha's essay reflects on the following themes: state promises made and broken, comparing India and China, and science fiction as national redemption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the theory developed by the Nordic school of service marketing, the authors devise a model that involves the direct effects of technical (physical good quality) and functional (service quality and servicescape) elements of the service encounter on customers' behavioral intentions. They test the model using service customers in the fast-food and grocery industries in eight countries (Australia, China, Germany, India, Morocco, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United States). Notable differences exist between fast-food and grocery customers in the eight countries. The relative effects of the technical and functional service elements on behavioral intentions also differ significantly across countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas the rare existing comparative studies of Chinese and Indian diaspora policies have focused on recent periods following economic restructuring in both countries, this article, using a historical perspective, looks at diaspora policies in both countries from the angle of conceptions of the nation. Comparing three specific periods – the early twentieth century, the period between the 1950s and the 1970s, and the period since the 1970s – the article argues that there was a similarity between China and India in terms of how conceptions of the nation expanded and contracted together with both domestic and international changes during these periods, in spite of differences in nationality laws. As such, it demonstrates that countries with nationality laws based on jus sanguinis are not necessarily always more inclusive towards diaspora populations than those with nationality laws based on jus soli. In both cases, there is a tension at work between a state-led paradigm that is territorial in nature and ethnic and cultural notions of nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is an empirical test of the theory that media consumption contributes to the construction of national identity, using the Brazil, China, India, South Africa and the US as examples. With data of those nations collected through the fifth wave of the World Values Survey, the study confirms the positive relationship of mass media consumption with national and global identities. It also reveals that national identity does not lessen global identity. Religion's relationships with the constriction of national identity, national pride, and global identity are complex and discussed. Global identity is positively associated with postmaterialism, which is prevalent among the younger generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of new economic powers has seen increasing attention focused on the international role of the BRICS countries. Importantly, a common feature uniting the BRICS is that they are all resource-rich, and many analysts (and some BRICS governments) have argued that natural resources are one of the key factors propelling the rise of the group. This article explores the BRICS’ emerging status as ‘resource powers’, examining how resource wealth underpins their economic development and foreign policy strategies, and thus contributes to their growing influence in international affairs. It is argued that through the use of nationalistic mining and energy policies, the BRICS governments have exploited natural resources for both domestic economic and international diplomatic objectives. However, there are several challenges and emerging risks facing the BRICS’ resource strategies, which mean that resource wealth is making a positive – though inherently limited – contribution to the growing international status of the group. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses attitudes about China in India. Topics include social and cultural differences between India and China, China's economic growth in comparison to that of India, and political differences between the nations due to India's democratic form of government and China's national pride. Differences in youth culture in the two nations are also noted.

The nationalist struggle to bring about the end of colonial rule in India, and the Republican and communist struggles to arrest and reverse the humiliation and the “carve-up” of China by foreign powers, were both closely allied to the struggle to become modern. Indeed, the two goals were usually seen to be so closely related as to be indistinguishable: a people had to start becoming modern if they were ever to be free of foreign domination, and they had to gain sovereignty and state power in order to undertake the laborious but necessary task of building a strong, prosperous, and modern nation. Thus in India, as in China, political movements from the latter nineteenth century sought to found a sovereign nation free from domination by a Western power or powers, and also sought to make this putative nation and its people “modern,” both as a necessary means towards the nationalist end and as an end in itself. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The recent debates within and beyond Marxism around empire and imperialism focus on deterritorialization, but fail to see non-Western states as anything other than collaborators or victims. Highlighting the importance of center-periphery relations within the territorially bounded political space of the nation-state, this paper puts forward a new concept of the Postcolonial Informal Empire (PIE) to characterize the emerging powers of China and India. The greatest paradox of PIEs is that a postcolonial impulse—to critically appropriate Western ideas and technologies such as sovereignty, nationalism, and the free market to build the multinational state and combine it with an affirmation of stories of historical greatness and long existing, pre-Westernized, civilizational-national cultures—enables the political entities to consolidate and discipline their borderlands and reduce diverse inhabiting peoples to culturally different but politically subservient subjects. It is predominantly a nationalist politics, and not economic calculability or financial interests, that shapes PIEs’ center-borderlands relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author analyses the balance of political power in Asia in the 1970s from an Indian perspective and discusses the growing nationalism among the Asian societies. Extrapolation of expenditure in China on military forces from 1967-1968 is estimated to be 6.0 to 6.5 billion Chinese yuan. One study suggests that the size of allocation for the defence effort by China in the 1970s can be between 12 to 18 billion Chinese yuan. India widened its armed forces consequent on the Chinese attack in 1962.

In recent years, China and India have come to be considered rising great powers by many analysts and scholars around the globe. Although the future course of relations between these two rising states could evolve along a number of paths, their shared history of troubled relations and current tensions suggest that their bilateral relations will be increasingly adversarial. In particular, both states are home to powerful nationalist movements with expansive worldviews. As India and China continue their rise to global imminence, these nationalist forces have the power to put the two states on a collision course. In this article, the author evaluates the history and contemporary power of nationalism in each nation today, analyzing in particular Indian nationalist attitudes toward China and Chinese nationalist perceptions of India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A reprint of the article "Bhutan in Focus," by K. N. Ramachandran, which appeared in the October 1979 issue of "Strategic Analysis." The author cites the assertion made by Bhutan of its identity and the tactics of China in the Himalayan region as the factors behind the sharp focus of the Buddhist Kingdom of Bhutan. He adds that both factors played an important role in the organization of the Indo-Bhutanese relations. He examines the friendship treaty signed by India and Bhutan in 1949.

Chinese nationalism primarily represents Han nationalism and ignores ethnic minority sub-nationalisms and identities in the larger cause of the state's unity and integrity. The Chinese state calls for submerging of all minority identities within the predominant Han identity, for promoting national cohesion and nationalism, effectively precluding the possibility of the assertion of Tibetan nationalism and autonomy. Because of the suppression of Tibetans in China, a large number of them have fled and settled in India and elsewhere. The Tibetan movement for safeguarding their identity, culture and political space has grievously suffered as a result of Chinese nationalism and China's Tibet policy. The fate of Tibetan nationalism is, to a large extent, tied to the dynamics of the Sino-Indian relations and the course of the internal Tibetan politics and that of its relationship with the community in exile in the post-Dalai Lama era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the impacts of foreign threat on the formation of indian and chinese nationalism. It elaborates the different forms of nationalism which has influenced the two countries by presenting three independent variables. It mentions the potential triggers for mass nationalist movements and increased foreign threat for both China state nationalism and India's ethnic nationalism. It also notes on the divergent manifestations of nationalism for both countries.

This article retraces the history of the Sino-Indian frontier dispute, still a hotly debated issue in today's international arena, from a fresh perspective. Drawing on both English primary sources and, in particular, the previously unexplored Chinese archival materials of the Nationalist era, this research reconstructs the previously ignored historical terrain of the Northeast Frontier Agency, from the time of the Simla talks until the late 1940s, at the moment when the present-day Indian and Chinese regimes were about to emerge.