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A recent global reconnaissance of Christian higher education found a number of key themes that shaped current developments, such as the pressing challenges of secularization and nationalization but also the advantages of privatization and massification. This article provides an update to this older analysis by taking a birds-eye view of trends within the past 70 years of global Christian higher education. It reveals that privatization and massification trends do not predict new developments in countries and outliers always exist. Furthermore, it highlights some findings missed in previous analyses related to the importance of indigenous Christian groups and Christian general education.

The plurality of nation in this title foregrounds the challenge of teaching a geopolitical entity whose survival depends on building emotional ties of belonging. These ties can be problematic in diverse societies in which collective identities compete for recognition. In Canada, nationhood tied to language and culture is claimed by French-speaking Quebecers; it is also invoked by many Western-Canadian politicians to express a growing alienation from Eastern Canada's perceived socio-economic dominance. In Canada's constitution, the term First Nations represents the indigenous peoples who are the country's original inhabitants. In this context, teaching the nation(s) is indeed challenging. In response, the authors adopt duoethnography as both research methodology and pedagogy in their content-based English for Academic Purposes (EAP) courses. They first explore their experiences and emotional attachments to nationhood, reflecting on their influences on teaching around language and citizenship. They then provide two EAP assignments as examples: The first is a course assignment in which students critically examine hyphenated national identities through duoethnographic inquiry. The second is called the Get Involved project, which examines service learning and citizenship. Both examples demonstrate the importance of critical affective literacies to expand the pedagogical repertoires of EAP teachers and students in a time of resurgent nationalism.

This paper looks at the evolution of the girl's school story in "The British Girl's Annual" during the interwar period. The school story played a crucial role instructing young female readers about their gendered role within the school as a kind of microcosm for nation/empire. Most of these lessons focus on loyalty and leadership, topics especially important during a period when British global leadership is in flux. For during this interwar period, many of the dominion--especially Canada--began to push back against the strictures of colonialism and demand political and economic autonomy, demands which eventually culminated in the 1931 Statute of Westminster. Distributed throughout the commonwealth, "The British Girl's Annual" (renamed "The Canadian Girl's Annual" or "The Australasian Girl's Annual" in its respective countries) tracks this shifting political climate in its representation of female leadership and defense of nation in the girl's school story. In particular, the annual's turn to the Guide story (as a subset of the school story), focusing on themes such as robbery and the defense of school-as-nation, charts a sociopolitical turn inward and the eventual collapse of both global empire and "The British Girl's Annual" itself during the final years of this interwar period.

In sharp contrast to the musings of a senior student, the mandatory history texts follow a narrow provincial orientation. The recently introduced Quebec high school history program offers adolescents a slanted narrative devoid of larger interconnected contexts as hailed; for example, by Oakeshott (2004), MacMillan (2009), and/or Canadine (2013). In our view, secondary students are forced to travel a historical journey that deals with Canadian and Quebec events through a "unique" Quebec lens (Woods, 2014). The widely engrained twenty-first century concept of global interconnectedness, first articulated on a wide scale over a hundred years ago (Wells, 1920), has been replaced by one anchored in a retro-nineteenth-century construct viewing only carefully selected unconnected historical snippets devoid of a contextualized narrative. Anchored in a narrow political perspective, this secondary course of study forces adolescents into a stilted and fragmented "patch-work" historical landscape. This journey silences many voices, brushes others from the chronicle, and twists recognized historiography to fit a specific contemporary self-determined internalized orientation. We review the official course of study to unpack several major world themes demonstrating this constrained point-of-view via a close investigation of one of the approved English language student texts. Further, we illustrate how the deliberate manipulation of historical stories, as well as "alternate facts," leads adolescents into a realm deprived of meaningful connections.

As education-migration ("edugration") blurs the line between international student and immigrant recruitment in some jurisdictions, higher education admission is becoming linked to settler nation-building projects. Using critical discourse analysis, this article examines the Canadian higher education sector's response to COVID-19 through pre-budget submissions to the House of Commons of Canada Standing Committee on Finance for the 2021 federal budget. Findings demonstrate how institutions instrumentalized international students to position themselves as valuable actors in Canada's immigration regime and justify their requests for public financial support. In this way, nation-building through immigration -- both globally, as an imperial power, and domestically, as a colonial power -- is now a new societal role of higher education which is becoming hegemonic within institutions. This is significant because, as higher education's purposes align with those of economic immigration, the sector not only fails to interrupt, but itself reproduces, systemic patterns of border imperialism and settler-colonialism. The article urges higher education institutions to: (1) more deeply consider how a reliance on international student enrolment is impacting its societal roles; while also (2) avoid exceptionalizing the present by recognizing that higher education has long functioned in the service of the state as a colonial and imperialist power.

The more than 200 years of chattel slavery in Canada is an example of the country's occluded history predicated on structural racism. This study of preservice elementary teachers in a social studies methods course helps to reveal how the history of Black enslavement in Canada has been effectively erased from the national consciousness. Using a symbolic interactionism/grounded theory methodology, I seek to make meaning from more than 70 preservice teachers' written responses to a reading on slavery and abolition in Canada. This study's findings help reveal some of the challenges to, and possibilities for, interrogating historical consciousness and national identity narratives as a process of learning within the contexts of methods courses.

We examine how the politics of knowledge production limit research on the relationship between immigration status and social inequality. We centre the practices of methodological nationalism in Canada, a traditional country of permanent immigration in which temporary migration has become a core feature of the immigration system. In this case, state classification and counting of populations, and the careful curation of data on nominally permanent and temporary migrants limits research on immigration status. We also document the research design process and survey instrument we developed to work towards methodological autonomy from the state categorization of people on the move. The research design included community consultations, democratization of the research process, and a commitment to experiential knowledge. The resulting survey offers a parsimonious instrument to study complex and indeterminate precarious legal status trajectories and their relationship to social inequality.

This paper describes three eras of state building and higher education in Canada. Higher education in 'Old Canada' before WWII was mostly a small collection of colleges that bore imprints of American and British institutions and provided personnel needed to develop a vast and sparsely populated territory. The 'Hey Day of Canadian Nationalism' from 1950 to 1990 greatly expanded universities and colleges in a broader project of modern state building and social uplift, borrowing organizational models from mass-access American state colleges. The third era, 'Transnational Nation-Building,' spanning the past 20 years, uses Canadian degrees and diplomas to lure selective immigrants who seek Canadian citizenship and entrée to an emerging transnational class of English-speaking professionals. That strategy, along with a series of converging forces, is leveraging Canadian colleges and universities to implicitly adopt a new institutional path. We end by discussing insights that the Canadian case may provide for comparative understandings of higher education and state building.

Skilled immigrants' labour-market integration is a long-standing public policy issue that has generated a substantial body of scholarship in Canada. This article shares the scholarly concern while stepping off from the hegemony of training and learning as a solution for skilled immigrants' challenges in the labour market. Drawing on a larger project on discourses of skill in the high-skilled labour market and post-liberalization Canadian nationalism, this article argues that training/learning initiatives are not innocent or equity generating. As such, their ideological purchase in integration scholarship needs to be challenged.

The recruitment of overseas trained teachers (OTTs) in England is a matter that has received as much attention inside the United Kingdom as outside. Education systems in small island and developing states, especially, were believed to have been placed 'at risk' following the departure of experienced and qualified teachers. Correspondingly, the presence of OTTs in England has contributed to, "inter alia," workforce stability, behavioural management solutions and curriculum enhancement. Despite these contributions, however, very little is known about the career progression of OTTs in England. Through a tracer study of OTTs recruited between 2001 and 2008, in the first phase of teacher migration to the UK, this qualitative study explored the perceived factors that facilitate and/or hinder the progression of Caribbean OTTs in England. Drawing on postmodernism, critical and social identity theories, this paper examines how institutional racism and discrimination play a part in restricting the promotion and career progression of OTTs.

The development of global education as a grassroots movement for educational change has always been subject to the influences of prevailing economic and political forces. Perspectives are offered on how the formative years of global education in the United Kingdom and Canada were shaped, including the impacts of controversies and tensions among proponents and opposition from governments in power. A retrospective assessment of my experiences as a global educator during this period gives rise to some personal reflections on how my perceptions of global education have changed over time and some thoughts on how the movement might tackle some key challenges that inhibit its broader acceptance. In the current era of neoliberalism, it is argued that the visionary goals of global education are now more urgently needed in order to provide future decision makers with the tools required to make ethically sound judgments on matters that will determine the fate of humankind.

Despite repeating claims that Canadians are less nationalistic than members of other nations, English as a second language (ESL) textbooks often participate in banal repetitions of nation-ness and nationalism. This banal nationalism takes the form of the marking of nation through flags, maps, routine deixis, and nationalized symbols. This study examines markings of nation in 24 ESL textbooks used in government-funded language instruction in Canada. This nationalized imagery is both taught and repeated, making the imagined community ubiquitous. Language teachers should be aware of and reflect upon the everyday nationalism that is performed in ESL textbooks. (Contains 1 table and 2 footnotes.)

Canada's recently revamped international education brand, EduCanada, offers a rich example of developments at the intersections of higher education internationalization and marketization. In this paper, I examine the EduCanada website to consider how national exceptionalist and 'othering' narratives are reproduced in the recruitment of international students. From these findings I ask how internationalization relates to the overlapping and ongoing legacies of Indigenous colonization, and racialized regimes of personhood, citizenship, and immigration in Canada. Finally, I argue that the international marketization of higher education risks foreclosing critical examinations of the entanglements of empire within which we are all unevenly embedded.

Substantial historical research indicates that during World War II Canadian schools were considered optimal sites for fostering nationalistic sentiments in teachers and learners. Policymakers directed educators and students to collect scrap metals, purchase war savings certificates, salute the flag, and undertake marching drills. These wide-reaching directives give the impression that schools were considerably reshaped during the war. Nevertheless, since much of the literature has used official information sources, such as curriculum documents and government missives, it is unclear to what extent teachers implemented such directives. No Canadian scholarship has tapped the memories of former teachers to determine their compliance in promoting nationalistic sentiments and activities. Nor have existing histories categorised activities by geographic area (such as rural versus urban; coastal versus inland) or school level (elementary versus secondary). Thus, the "unity of purpose and experience" implied by some of the literature may be overemphasised. This paper challenges the suggestion that throughout Canada all children and teachers in schools fervently engaged in nationalistic behaviour during World War II. To supplement government perspectives found in newspapers, magazines, curricular documents, and other Department of Education sources, I interviewed two dozen teachers who taught in 40 schools throughout British Columbia between 1939 and 1945. Despite policymakers' intentions, there were many factors influencing schools' abilities to support the war effort. These included a community's geographic proximity or access to centres of larger war-related activity, such as munitions factories or collection stations; the values and social circumstances of families and communities; and teachers' individual preferences, often reflecting their career stage.

The meanings attached to national identity are the most salient citizenship issue today. We analyzed over 300 written responses of Canadian high school youth, of immigrant and non-immigrant origins, to the question of "What does it mean for me to be/become a Canadian?" The participants related a greater sense of national identity than of ethnic and/or supranational belonging. Youth of immigrant origins used a discourse of becoming and understand multiculturalism to recognize ethnic identities associated with Charter rights. The findings are contextualized in social unrest in other countries, a global migration pattern, and new forms of economic, social, and political domination. (Contains 1 figure and 6 tables.)

Baseball research generally acts as a window into the game--a means as it were to understand its underlying order and disorder, its hidden beauty and historic complexity. Less common is the view from the other side of the window in which the patterns of the game are a lens as it were into the outside world, a channel for making sense of a sometimes cruel but always intriguing place. The view looking out is less common though its outline can be sketched in Franklin Foer's recent analysis of globalization from the perspective of soccer in "How Soccer Explains the World: An Unlikely Theory of Globalization," and many years ago by C.L.R. James's "Beyond a Boundary," on the impact of colonization in his home country of Trinidad and himself as understood through the game of cricket. Likewise baseball provides a revealing portrait of the perplexing nature of Canadian identity, in what poet Donald Hall has called "the country of baseball." In this article, the author argues that the issue of baseball's relation to a Canadian national identity goes much deeper than handy knee-jerk reactions to apparent incursions of American culture. He discusses the folkloric origins of baseball and its transition before the Civil War from an informal, folk game to one characterized by the adoption of semi-formalized though regionally differentiated rules and play. The author stresses that the ubiquitous place of baseball in the Canadian landscape is revealed in all parts of the country and each in turn reveals pieces of the Canadian identity. The author presents a story of Jackie Robinson which serves as a fine representation of a Canadian search for a national identity, in its early demonstration of that illusive spirit of egalitarian respect for other cultures.

Beginning in the early 20th century, the role of citizenship as an organizing concept has been significant in the teaching of social studies. The central aim of the social studies was the production of "good citizens," and the main focus of the Alberta social studies curriculum has ultimately become developing "responsible" citizenship. While citizenship has always been the raison d'être of social studies, identity has also played an important role in the formation of young citizens. The author's aim in this article is to explore how and in what ways multiple perspectives can be read in the context of the Alberta Junior High social studies curriculum. After examining the evolving concepts of citizenship and identity from the 1970s to the 1990s, she undertakes a postcolonial reading of the forthcoming Alberta social studies curriculum.

Under the new mobilities paradigm, migration is conceptualized as circulatory and transnational, moving us beyond the framework of methodological nationalism. Transnational mobility has called into question dominant notions of migrant acculturation or assimilation. Migrants no longer feel obligated to remain tied to or locatable in a "given", unitary culture. Rather, they are becoming embedded within a shifting field of increasingly transcultural identities. While migrants are becoming more transnational and adopting fluid, transcultural identities, there is a lack of focus and engagement with transnationalism as well as transculturalism in the official Canadian public school curricula. As scholars contend, Canadian school curricula are still based on Eurocentric, homogenizing, nationalistic discourses that tend to normalize values, norms, and behaviours that are perceived as "different" from the dominant norm. In response to the limitations of Canadian official curricula, as noted by various scholars who have examined curriculum documents, this essay proposes a revision of Canadian curricula in the context of transnational mobility with the aim of developing an approach that would integrate transnational and transcultural perspectives into the existing system. The article thus proposes a transnational and transcultural framework as an alternative to build a more ethical and inclusive school curriculum in Canada.

Public education is one influence on how young people learn to navigate social conflicts and to contribute to building democratic peace, including their sense of hope or powerlessness. Social studies curricula, in particular, introduce core concerns, geographies, governance and civil society, and participation skills and norms. History education narratives frame identity, (dis)trust or peaceful coexistence, and provide exemplars of how social conflicts and injustice have been handled in the past. To shed light on these peacebuilding and peace-blocking choices, this paper examines government-sanctioned social studies and history curricula in contrasting contexts of violent conflict and peace: Bangladesh, Colombia, México, and (Ontario) Canada. Our comparative analysis shows how these official curricula (de)normalize violence and militarism, present national identities as hegemonic/exclusive or plural/inclusive, and create opportunities for teaching/learning peacebuilding citizenship competencies such as conflict dialog, human rights awareness, and engagement in collective processes of civil society and governance.

The systematic exclusion of asylum seekers from Australian higher education reveals much about present day Australia. This essay begins with a brief context and outline of the international refugee crisis and Australia's reaction. Next, consideration is given to how this nation has identified itself historically and how it has behaved in recent times towards refugees. Australia's values are then discussed in relation to those of Canada, a similar country in many ways. With this context established, this article then turns to examine the specific issue of access to higher education for young people seeking asylum. Implications of this exclusion and what it means for national identity is discussed. Arendt's theory of bureaucratic indifference is employed to interpret and understand Australia's behaviour. The main contribution of this article is the connections made between asylum seekers, educational exclusion, higher education, national identity and Arendt's theory, that may have application in other contexts.

This article presents insights from an inquiry into renewable energy development by Indigenous communities across Canada. The focus is on Indigenous leadership in developing renewable energy projects that align with traditional ecological philosophies while also providing increased economic and energy security, sovereignty, and educational opportunities. These projects build new STEM knowledges and practices across cultural divides. The article also discusses broader sociocritical concerns regarding renewable energy development, the associated challenges of renewable energy education, and Indigenous environmental education in the context of capitalist and nationalist agendas.

Transnational academic mobility is often characterized in relation to terms such as "brain drain", "brain gain", or "brain circulation"--terms that isolate researchers' minds from their bodies, while saying nothing about their political identities as foreign nationals. In this paper, I explore the possibilities of a more "nomadic political ontology", where the body is "multifunctional and complex, a transformer of flows and energies, affects, desires and imaginings" (p. 25). In this sense, academic mobility is not only the outcome of national innovation and economic competitiveness strategies, but also sets the conditions for epistemic and ontological change at the level of the individual. In this paper, I explore a personal account of the nomadic political ontology of academic mobility to exemplify the interrelationships between nationalism, academic belonging and transnationalism. My experiences as a transnational subject affect the stability and scope of my work as a policy-oriented researcher who studies the academic profession and the internationalization of higher education. My positionality in relation to my research focus is likely not unique to the field of higher education studies or educational research more broadly, which permits a wider applicability of this exploration beyond personal narrative and a particular national context. This personal reflection, guided by nomadic theory and post-structural possibilities, offers a viewpoint of the academic profession beyond the standard mobility discourse.

In a country as diverse as Canada, spread over an incomprehensibly large land mass, the connections between citizens may require more imagination. One way that these connections have been traditionally imagined in Canada is through national myths, including the myth of the wilderness. This myth draws the Canadian identity out of an "untouched" wilderness landscape. As much as there are problems with the wilderness myth of Canada, the land provides a valuable connection between all disparate members of Canadian society. And so, the author proposes a much more inclusive re-imagining of this myth, in which people draw national identity from the land in all the variety of its meanings and uses. In this way, Canadians can work to develop attachments to their specific pieces of land, while acknowledging the interconnections of the national landscape. In this article, the author discusses how to build national identity through place-based outdoor education. She argues that educators need to introduce their students to the places in which they live, and encourage them to find the connections between their selves and their places in addition to fostering an understanding of their connections to others and other people's places.

Do French-Canadian (FC) minorities in New Brunswick and Ontario remain as committed as majority Francophone Quebecers in developing their vitality within Canada's bilingual belt? FCs constitute host communities for interprovincial migrants of FC and English-Canadian (EC) background who can bolster or weaken the vitality of FCs. How FCs and ECs welcome each other as internal migrants has important consequences for Canadian nation-building, and harmonious relations between Francophones and Anglophones as official language communities. Questionnaires were completed by three groups of FC undergraduates: Francophone Quebecers (n?=?204), Acadians (n?=?227), and Franco-Ontarians (n?=?227). All FC respondents identified positively as Francophones while declaring strong language skills in French and reported using more French than English in their everyday lives. FC respondents were more willing to personally mobilize to improve their French-Canadian vitality than outgroup EC vitality. FC participants felt more threatened by the presence of EC than FC migrants, preferred Francophone more than Anglophone migrants, and perceived that FC migrants contributed more to their ingroup vitality than did EC migrants. Implications are discussed based on the "two solitudes" and "three solitudes" hypotheses, and on the relationship between intergroup threat, zero-sum beliefs and the rejection by FCs of EC migrants.

Based on a four-year ethnography, I draw on critical race theory and Bourdieuian theory of language to analyze why a Chinese Immigrant couple regarded their 1.5-Generation Chinese Canadian leaders at an evangelical Christian church as "Westerners," and how the leaders differentiated themselves from "Westerners" and "Chinese/Immigrants." I argue that language and race intersect in complicated ways to racialize Immigrants and their children differently, and linguistic nationalism as a form of structural racism permeates everyday interactions.

During a time of post-war sensitivity to Canadian nationalism and patriotism, public feeling was aroused in 1920 New Brunswick regarding a world history textbook with a new chapter about the First World War. The American author made no reference to Canada's war efforts. The subsequent public discussion focused on issues of patriotism, citizenship, history education and schooling, but it eventually dissolved into longstanding conflicts over language and religion. This case study investigates how questions about history education were interpreted through the lens of the political partisanship of the newspaper editor, the bureaucratic rationality of the educational administrator, and the Acadian nationalism of the Roman Catholic Bishop. The controversy depicts a loosening but not breaking of postcolonial ties, and uncovers the political nature of public memory, along with the complex intertwining of religion and language rights within schooling, history education and citizenship in post-war Canada and New Brunswick.

Interculturalism, in its two forms, critiques multiculturalism. A European version emphasises cultural encounter and novelty, and is relatively apolitical except for its disavowal of the national in preference for the local and the transnational. In contrast, its Quebecan counterpart gives significance to the idea of the right of a national community to use state power to reproduce itself. Whilst the former is a recognisably cosmopolitan vision I ask if the latter represents a distinctive mode of integration. The core of the article is a textual examination of two recent publications by leading public intellectual scholars in Quebec, Gerard Bouchard and Charles Taylor, respectively, including a lengthy discussion of the former's concept of "majority precedence". I argue that Quebecan interculturalism challenges multiculturalists to offer a positive view of "the majority", which to date they have largely neglected to do, but which is possible within the conceptual and normative resources of multiculturalism.

Our historical study of Canada's main research university illuminates the overlooked influence of national identities and interests as forces shaping the institutionalization of technology transfer. Through the use of archival sources we trace the rise and influence of Canadian technological nationalism--a response to Canada's perceived dependency on the United States' science and technology. Technological nationalism provided a symbol for producing a shared understanding of the desirability and appropriateness of technology transfer that legitimated the commercial activities of university scientists.

The main thesis we want to defend in this article is that learning about nationalism from a historical, sociological, and normative point of view constitutes one important, but rather neglected, dimension of a good citizenship education. Although the debate about nationalism and education has received considerable attention from political and educational philosophers in recent years, the dispute has mainly focused on the question of whether public schools can legitimately promote nationalist sentiments, that is, patriotism. However, in this article, we wish to shift the focus away from the question of promoting patriotism and toward the question of the role that teaching about the phenomenon of nationalism and about specific nationalist movements can play in reinforcing liberal and democratic civic values and principles. We argue that such teaching can indeed play an important role and that this is true regardless of whether one views patriotism as a civic virtue or not and regardless of whether the aim of promoting patriotism in schools is legitimate or not. (Contains 4 notes.)

The purpose of the study was to determine Canadian secondary school choral students' skill in singing the national anthem. The sample (N = 275) consisted of students from 12 schools, representing six provinces in Canada. Students were audio taped singing "O Canada" in English, French, or in a combination of both languages and subsequently completed a questionnaire. Results indicated that few students could sing the national anthem perfectly. Although students were significantly more accurate in remembering the lyrics than in singing the melody (p less than 0.0001), only 67% were judged proficient in lyrics whereas a mere 46% were judged proficient in melody. Possible reasons for these poor results include the frequency with which students sing the anthem in secondary schools, the fact that three-quarters named a classroom teacher in the early/elementary years as being the one responsible for teaching them the anthem, the shift to solo versus group singing in public events, and the inconsistency with which music education is delivered in elementary schools. Implications for practice indicate that more emphasis be placed on assisting choir members to sing the anthem accurately, more opportunities be provided in secondary schools for students to sing the anthem, and more curricular attention be placed on teaching students both English and French versions. (Contains 6 tables and 7 notes.)

Educational publishing sits at the intersection of industry, culture and education. Pedagogical aims must be balanced with the need for publishers to make a profit, while also acknowledging Canadian national identity and culture. The events of central interest are related to the tensions between two publishers' associations in the wake of the sales, in 1970, of Canadian publishers Gage and Ryerson Press to American interests. The Canadian Book Publishers' Council was comprised mainly of American branch plants and the Independent Publishers Association membership was Canadian-owned publishing companies. The two associations became bitter rivals, engaging in "fratricidal warfare", as they lobbied the provincial and federal governments and fought to maintain their places in the textbook market. About 65% of total sales revenues from publishing in Canada came from textbook sales in this period. Both governments and commercial interests had to balance Canadian sovereignty with commercial gain and educational goals.

This essay examines the controversial "Too Asian?" article published by Canada's premiere news magazine in 2010 as a case study of media and education in order to produce a sharper analytical grammar of race in liberal, multicultural societies. I argue that the article recycles racial stereotypes, perpetuates the normalization of whiteness and the mythology of meritocracy, and enacts irresponsible journalism. I situate its representation of Asians within a historical context, and delineate their paradoxical subjectivity as an un/wanted racialized minority group. Asians are desired as immigrants, workers and students when they benefit Canada's economic imperatives, but are disavowed when they challenge the sociocultural status quo. I also develop the concept of ethno-nationalism as a form of anti-racist resistance when racialized minorities identify with the White-dominant nation-state in their claim for inclusion. However, I raise concerns regarding ethno-nationalism's limitation for pan-Asian solidarity and for the advancement of a marginalized group at the expense of another.

This study aims to contribute to the fields of sociology of education and Canadian sociological teaching. English and French Canadian sociology of education course outlines were systematically analysed in order to assess how national context, language and internal divisions influence the undergraduate teaching of sociology of education. The findings indicate that: (1) identity and national questions are solely discussed in French Canada, (2) English Canada is experiencing a split between mainstream and critical approaches and (3) required readings parallel the national linguistic divide between English and French. In addition, there is no consensual "core" for Canadian sociology of education curriculum and inequality is the most covered topic in the field. Mutual intellectual exchange between English and French sociologists, a relevant discussion about a core in the field and a better integration of under taught topics are proposed to move forward. The implications and significance of these findings are also discussed. (Contains 3 tables.)

The 1976 Montreal Summer Olympic closing ceremony, the 1988 Calgary Winter Olympic opening ceremony, and the 2010 Winter Olympic opening ceremony in Vancouver each placed Indigenous peoples at the heart of its expressions of regional, provincial, and Canadian national identity in one form or another. Why is it that organizing committees view Indigenous peoples as central to Olympic ceremonies and as so seemingly central to the narratives of national identity produced during them? What is Canada trying to say about itself by insisting on Indigenous presence within the Olympic ceremonies when in so many other spaces in Canadian society they are purposefully invisibilized? In this article, the author discusses nationalism and depictions of "aboriginality" in Canadian Olympic moments. She argues that while earlier national narratives alluded to the racial superiority of "white" Canadians and their hand in subjugating/civilizing Indigenous populations, in recent decades it has become far less fashionable to insinuate such things. Canada has thus consistently drawn on the multiculturalist rhetoric (of equality) as a framework for narrating Canadian-Indigenous relations. The continuing investment of Canada in "Olympic Aboriginality," in using Indigenous peoples as symbols of Canada's uniqueness and diversity (key themes of multiculturalism), is a desire amplified in a climate of growing global competitiveness, and, as such, Canada has actively sought to repackage the nation's image "for commercial consumption and nostalgic renarration purged of historical responsibility." (Contains 69 notes.)

In this article, we will examine some contrasted discourses on multilingualism that circulate nowadays in the field of education. Focusing on the cases of French-speaking Belgium and of the Franco-Ontarian community in Canada, we will show the existence of two discourses on multilingualism: one that insists on the positive value of multilingualism and that we consider as a consequence of social and economic changes brought by globalisation; and another that is much more a surrender of the purist conception of language rejecting "mixing" and hybridism and that seems to support resistance towards unwanted consequences of this globalisation movements (especially migration movements). In our view, these discourses on multilingualism are "ideological discourses" aiming at legitimating or contesting the impacts of global capitalism and post-nationalism. (Contains 36 notes.)

Citizenship education is of central importance in curriculum and schooling, as evidenced by the proliferation of research and writing in the area over the last 20 years. Building on existing citizenship literature, this paper discusses one aspect of a larger project exploring the ways in which citizenship is discursively produced in officially mandated school curriculum and the ways in which students themselves understand and take up narratives of "good" citizenship in light of their diverse experiences and social locations. Using an image-based approach to research, students visually represented and then discussed with researchers their perceptions of good citizenship. What became apparent through the analysis of images and focus group transcripts was the ease with which students, regardless of their social locations, reproduced commonsense narratives of "good" citizenship, including socially sanctioned concern for the environment, a sense of nationalism and national pride, respect for relationships and a communal ethos, and the official discourse of multiculturalism. Missing from students' understandings of "good" citizenship was any kind of social analysis, suggesting that they largely accepted citizenship as universally realized and experienced by individuals. (Contains 2 notes.)

Background: This paper considers how textbooks resolve the tension between contradictory goals of promoting a cohesive national identity while teaching respect and equality among diverse social groups in British Columbia (B.C.), Canada. Purpose: The article presents preliminary results of a larger study examining the content of required civic education textbooks in Canada to examine whether and how notions of national identity incorporate the principles of human rights and multiculturalism. Sample: The study draws on curricular material for required high school social science courses in B.C. The sample includes textbooks starting the first year of high school (Grade 8) and covers each year through high school graduation (Grade 12). The central analyses examine the content of 17 core textbooks approved by the provincial government for these courses. Design and methods: This research systematically examines the content of currently approved textbooks for high school social science courses in B.C. A questionnaire designed using the principles of content analysis measures textbook emphases on content relevant to human rights, multiculturalism and national identity. Results: This study finds that traditional notions of national identity are reshaped in response to the rise of emphases on human rights and multiculturalism. Rather than depicting national identity as stemming from a common race, ethnicity, language or history, the government pursues four main strategies to simultaneously promote human rights, multiculturalism and a shared national identity: (1) framing human rights and multiculturalism as part of national identity; (2) using pedagogical approaches that promote multiple perspectives; (3)celebrating social and scientific figures and accomplishments as a main source of national pride; and (4) drawing on exogenous sources to affirm state legitimacy. Conclusion: In a context that values diversity and human rights, contemporary sources of national identity can stem from facets of society that can transcend many cultures and emphasise organisational aspects of the nation-state. A main implication is that the inclusion of principles of human rights and multiculturalism into civic education is changing traditional conceptions of national identity. (Contains 2 figures and 3 notes.)

This self-reflexive essay teases out the predicaments that I have encountered through my past publishing experience, while situating them in a critical review of the existing English-language studies of Japanese education. Drawing on postcolonial theoretical insights and recent critical sociology of academic knowledge production, I use my personal experience as a starting point to identify the particular discursive structure of comparative education that constrains the articulation of "other" education in the field. My critical review of comparative studies of Japanese education demonstrates that many of them, including my own, unreflexively accept the subject positions offered by this discursive condition and thus further constrain space for those who write in English about "other" education and Japanese education in particular. In conclusion, I discuss recent studies of Japanese education that partially address the dilemmas raised in this paper and the wider implications of this study for the field of comparative education. (Contains 12 notes.)

This multi-method study is based on data collected from 99 written narratives, four in-depth semi-structured interviews, and demographic questionnaires. It depicts a particular framework in which a diverse group of university students represent Canada's role in the War on Terror. The study reveals how these representations assist in the imagining of Canada as a peacekeeper and peace-loving nation. These presumably benign representations of the war and peace produce banal nationalism, and have implications for both students' imagination about war and peace and for peace educators. This contributes to the importance of critical peace pedagogy in teaching students the relationships of banal nationalism, wars and peace.

Over the past several decades indigenous people in Canada have mounted hundreds of collective action events such as marches, demonstrations, road blockades, and land occupations. What the general public knows about these events and their causes overwhelmingly comes from the mainstream mass media. For this reason, media coverage of these events plays an important role in shaping public opinion about the events and indigenous rights. The problem is that the media does not merely mirror events, but rather filter information through a process called "framing." Framing results from a system of reporting wherein reporters use a particular narrative structure, rely on officials as sources, and invoke public opinion in particular ways that, taken together, serve to marginalize collective actors and their issues. Coverage of indigenous peoples' collective action in Canada and the United States has been predominantly delegitimizing: stories overwhelmingly emphasize militancy and violence. However, past work on framing has tended to focus only on how challengers are portrayed in media coverage. By considering nationalism and how it may be embedded in the framing of these events, the research presented in this article shows that non-indigenous people are also being framed in media coverage. A growing body of literature has shown that the media is heavily involved in creating, promoting, and reflecting ideologies about citizenship and the nation. The authors consider the ways in which nationalism is reflected in coverage of multiple collective-action events in Canada. They find that when faced with collective action by indigenous peoples asserting group-based citizenship rights, the media respond by emphasizing individual citizenship responsibilities. (Contains 1 table and 65 notes.)

This essay explores the cultural-pedagogical logic of what the author calls the perlocutionary effect of transcendence that the "discourse of the West" produces. This discourse provides a fortified interiority beyond history, but also a door through which racisms, imperialisms, and fascisms of the past can possibly return. The second part of this essay situates the author's discussion of the Herouxville Declaration and the Reasonable Accommodation Debate (as well as the response of the Bouchard-Taylor Commission to them) in relation to the postwar cultural political formation over which a new hegemonic, national identity crystallized. The author also underscores here that, precisely as a hegemonic formation, whatever real and imaginary egalitarian policy content it possessed (or enshrined in the limited form of the Charter guarantees), this was a reaction of crisis management in the face of the struggles of the past; not only to second wave feminism in Canada and elsewhere but to the decolonization movements (of the periphery, of aboriginal peoples, and of the Quebecois) as well as the international labor movement. The third part of this essay turns to consider what the new formations of racism owe to the past. It concludes with a critical discussion of the Bouchard-Taylor Report on the Reasonable Accommodation Debate. (Contains 38 notes.)

Dr. Nahla Abdo is a Professor of Sociology at Carleton University in Ottawa. Among her many achievements her publications include "Women and Citizenship in Israel: Comparing Palestinian, Mizrahi and Ashkenazi Women," (in press); "Women and Poverty in the Palestinian Territories," and UNESCO/Palestinian Women's Research and Documentation Center (2007). In this interview, conducted in Ottawa in 2005, she reflects on the many currents that have influenced her scholarship, teaching, and activism in Canada and Palestine.

An ethnographic study of a Canadian, undergraduate, advanced Hebrew course composed of heritage language learners of diverse backgrounds examined the fluctuating notion of nation and shifting national membership affiliations. Data collection techniques included participant observation and in-depth, semistructured, focus group and individual interviews of 10 students. The professor found varied constructions of national identity mediated by the influence of the learning and usage of modern Hebrew. Although all students and the professor were Jewish and identified as such, two predominant categories ("Canadians" and "Israelis") were formed and imposed and divided the classroom when students gathered as a group. However, on further examination in individual interviews, contradictory self- and other identifications emerged based on individuals' relations to Hebrew. (Contains 1 table.)

This paper examines educational policies toward indigenous minorities in Japan and Canada during the period of nation-building, from the latter half of the nineteenth century to the first half of the twentieth century. Both Japan and Canada first segregated indigenous children into separate educational institutions and then tried to assimilate them into mainstream society. Beneath these broad policy similarities, however, lie different rationales, with substantially different implications for education and social policy in diverse societies. In Japan, national integration was promoted through a cultural or ethnic rationale, a socially coherent approach that nonetheless allows little room for minorities. Canada approached national integration using a notion of citizenship that both allows considerable space for minorities but is challenged by unity. These two strategies can be seen in two polar models of the state--a civic-assimilationist approach of the "French model" and an ethnocultural exclusionist model of the formation of the German state. The paper argues for a multicultural pluralist model including both civic and cultural/ethnic identities. (Contains 22 notes.)