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This article examines major themes in 24 contemporary Canadian picture books to identify their potential to support children who are newcomers to Canada. Transition to a new country can be challenging for children and picture books are an effective tool for supporting their cultural and often linguistic transition. Through multimodal content analysis, the authors identify major themes that emerge from the visual and textual data in the books. Analysis identified prevailing themes related to family, food, multiculturalism, and geographic information. Each theme offers valuable insights into the diverse perspectives represented in the texts, providing a foundation for meaningful pedagogical applications for immigrant and newcomer children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the beliefs of university students at a university in Canada regarding multiculturalism and multicultural society, through examining the metaphors they use to talk about these concepts. We interviewed 50 students about their perceptions and experiences of multiculturalism in Canada and then asked them to explain their choice of metaphors. Many of the metaphors could be grouped under more general metaphor themes, such as a multicultural society is a varied multicomponent piece of art/craft (comprising, e.g., mosaic and tapestry metaphors) and multicultural society is a container to mix things (comprising, e.g., melting pot and salad bowl metaphors). According to the literature, the former theme is compatible with the view that multiculturalism involves integration while preserving diversity, whereas the latter is associated with the notion of assimilation. Canadian students appeared to be more inclined than international students to use the (positive) varied multicomponent piece of art/craft theme relative to the other metaphors in the total data set. The interview data also revealed marked differences among participants as regards their awareness of metaphor but prompting them to reflect on their choice of metaphors often had an awareness‐raising effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to problematize the concept of Canadian multiculturalism from its inception in 1971 to its current tendencies and determine whether this policy is still attainable by referring to significant views of Hall, Taylor, Duchastel, Perin, Clifford, Drache, Hoyos and Kymlicka. These theoretical insights are explored in the case of the Serbian diaspora in Canada. The study is based on the oral histories of the members of the first generation of Serbian immigrants to Canada, conducted in July 2008 in Toronto. Bennett's Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity is used as a theoretical framework. The results show that the first generation of Serbian immigrants shares stronger ties with the mother country than their descendants; however, respect for the values of diversity and hybridity contributes to the process of making inter-generational differences less conspicuous which, regarding the Serbian diasporic community, represents a proof of the topicality of the Canadian multicultural experiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the concept of ethnic prejudice to examine the extent to which fears and anxieties related to immigration and ethnic diversity constitute obstacles to middle-class nation-building in Canada. Our underlying assumption is that if immigration is so contentious and the status anxiety it induces so great, then it should manifest into substantial levels of ethnic prejudice. Moreover, if status anxiety induced by immigration is indeed a widespread concern in Canada, we expect it to translate to significant differences in ethnic prejudice between class and immigration status. To measure ethnic prejudice, we developed an index using common factor analysis with the Provincial Diversity Project. This dataset allows us to create a robust index of ethnic prejudice based on the individual attitudes regarding eight different ethnic groups. While our findings indicate that ethnic prejudice in Canada remains relatively low for the time being, it is evident that a certain level of ethnic prejudice persists and intersects with other forms of status anxieties and competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada is often praised for successfully integrating ethnically diverse immigrants into its multicultural nation, so successful indeed that the country has been considered an exception to the twenty-first-century right-wing populist wave. The recent ascent of political mobilization associated with right-wing populist repertoires across Canada, however, has exposed the need to revisit the exceptionalism thesis. With this goal in mind, our article examines the contemporary right-wing responses to the Liberal Party of Canada's (LPC) post-2015 discourses and policies on immigration and multiculturalism. Building on existing scholarship, we first characterize the LPC's approach as a nation-building project with strong middle-class partialities that emphasize high skills and human capital. We then explore how right-wing parties oppose or embrace this 'middle-class nation-building'. Qualitatively analyzing the platforms of center-right parties and those further to the right at the federal and provincial levels (Alberta and Québec), we observe three prevalent response types: those that follow a cultural logic to prioritize identity and values, an economic logic to underline merit and contribution, or a combination of the two. Besides modulating the Canadian exceptionalism thesis, our findings complicate the assumed dichotomy between market-based and cultural forms of nationalism, as political actors can merge them in various permutations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of the Commission on Private Schools in Ontario in 1984 renewed long-standing debate over public funding of the Canadian province's public schools. Engaging Maarten Hajer's discourse coalition approach and argumentative discourse analysis, we demonstrate how actors with disparate – sometimes even competing – goals and values nevertheless formed coalitions to advocate for (or against) the policy. We also show that the debate at this time was about much more than school funding; it reflected foundational disputes over the appropriate role of government in relation to minoritized groups in Canada. In the struggle to define the meaning of a policy to fund private schools with public money, both coalitions mobilised arguments informed by discourses of Equality and Multiculturalism. However, each coalition ascribed different meanings to these discourses. That is, actors on both sides argued their policy solution promoted equality and supported multiculturalism based on different ideological understandings of these values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous-settler reconciliation seems to enjoy widespread support, yet progress has stalled. At the same time, multiculturalism, a concept that celebrates diversity and equality, is a point of pride for many Canadians. Should reconciliation not be included in Canada's imagining of multiculturalism? This study aimed to analyze the possible relationship between symbols of Canadian multiculturalism and support for further reconciliation using responses to a representative survey of non-Indigenous Canadian adults (n = 5,203). Political affiliation, knowledge of residential schools, and demographic variables were also analyzed. Only one multicultural variable was a predictor of support for further reconciliation efforts, along with measures of political ideology, home language, and views on individual responsibility for reconciliation were meaningful. Components of individual identity are more influential in reconciliation support than the collective (multicultural) identity. This contrasts many claims by citizens and the federal government alike, that multiculturalism is an important part of Canadian identity. The study revealed that while multiculturalism is a touchstone of Canadian identity and pride, it may have a minimal role in reconciliation, positive or negative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The naturalization of athletes for the purpose of participating in the Olympics is a noticeable feature of today's superdiverse sporting contexts. Focusing on the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games, in this paper, I explore how North American-born male ice hockey players who have become naturalized into South Korea are reproduced in media coverage of Canada and South Korea. Applying insights from critical discourse studies, transnationalism, and critical multiculturalism, I specifically examine how each country re/forms its own imagined community through these transnational sporting migrants and the ways that concepts of immigration, citizenship, whiteness, masculinity, and multiculturalism are linked, fused, and/or conflicted within it. Analysis suggests that in both countries, the hockey migrants have been illuminated as new national symbols enhancing the multicultural national brand of each country, whether as immigrants or emigrants, solidifying in the process the hegemonic position of whiteness as a global phenomenon beyond the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the debate on whether the Canadian government is focused on the majority or on dogmatic elites. Although Canada is considered multicultural, young people from visible minorities perceive discriminatory and racist attitudes. There are laws to prevent racism, but violent cultural clashes and offensive remarks towards migrants and people of different ethnic backgrounds have been recorded. The book by González Ulloa Aguirre and Ortiz Leroux is essential for understanding the differences and similarities between different traditions of political thought and for understanding the policies of different public administrations. It also reviews other currents of contemporary political thought. [Extracted from the article]

African-Canadians continue to bear the brunt of marginality and stereotyping in Canada even when various mitigating studies and programs have been initiated by the government at federal, state, and municipal levels. These stereotypes continue to affect them in informal settings and state institutions when seeking employment, housing or when in the streets, malls, schools, etc. While social justice advocates, social workers, and policy-makers focus on "Black-White" dynamics because other "racialized minorities" are also marginalized (though not equally) in Canada, it is important to note that "non-White" Canadians also contribute to the spread of historical stereotypes of African-Canadians within Canadian multiculturalism as noted in the emphasis of the city of Toronto's mitigating strategies for "anti-Black racism." Using social group position theory (SGPT) and asset-based model (ABCD), this paper argues that interrogating social group biases beyond "Black-White" binarism to encourage inter-group dialogs is important in making sure that different multicultural communities understand one another through favorable, activities-mediated, inter-group relations as opposed to having multicultural relations mediated by third parties, or not mediated at all. We also argue that African-Canadians should focus on internal strengths and only use external help to augment community initiatives to change the extant negative image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by neo-institutional theory, we explore whether the semantics of diversity appears to be global and universal through computer-assisted content analysis of 2378 publications. Diversity discourses are dominant, but only in the USA and Canada, UK and Ireland and Europe, not being present in Asia, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America. Diversity is interpreted differently across regions influenced by the local socio-political settings. Academic literature on diversity first appeared in the USA and Canada in the mid-1970s in relation to race and gender. In other English-speaking countries, diversity gained momentum only in the mid-2000s, with inclusion, gender, ethnicity and cultural diversity being the dominant terminologies. Later in that decade, diversity appeared in the academic literature in Europe, often framed as inclusion and gender. We did not find any evidence that the semantics of diversity has become global or universal and, therefore, question the cultural globalisation and the worldwide standardisation of academic knowledge around the valorisation of individual and collective differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary discourses of diversity and multiculturalism are contentious spaces in Western democracies. Symbolically, they have come to serve as a forum for governments to articulate their larger nation-building, citizenship and political agendas. In this sense, multiculturalism, whatever else it is, is a model of political belonging: a form of political symbolism directed at minorities and majorities to establish the conditions of belonging to the political community. This article examines the model(s) of belonging to political community in the Harper Conservative (2004–2015) and Trudeau Liberal (2015–2019) governments, presenting textual data derived from a broad discourse analysis. It illustrates that both use multiculturalism as a form of minority and majority acknowledgment that highlights the terms of belonging to the Canadian multicultural political community. Further, it reveals a difference in rhetorical strategy. while Conservative multiculturalism prioritizes a practice of specific minority acknowledgment that casts integration to the existing national identity as the responsibility of ethno-cultural communities, Liberal multiculturalism prioritizes the general acknowledgment of difference in order to broaden the national identity, and turn it outward to global relevance. Importantly, this illustrates the surprising variability and tenacity of multicultural symbolism in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a response to multiculturalism's reductionist and othering constructions of Black presence in Canadian early childhood research and practice. We engage in possibilities for creating movement away from multiculturalism as the primary way of responding to anti-Blackness in Canadian early childhood education. We put forward orientations that emerge when we imagine the abolition of Canadian early childhood education pedagogies and curriculum that are shaped by neoliberal multiculturalism. We organize our abolitionist praxis in relation to what kinds of stories and modes of storytelling of Black life might be needed in early childhood education in Canada. We focus our attention on three interconnected pedagogical orientations: storying abolition geographies, storying Black ecologies, and storying Black aliveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To understand the burdens of "representing diversity" in multicultural democracies, this paper empirically explores Twitter posts about two female Muslim Canadian politicians, Iqra Khalid and Maryam Monsef. Using a mixed method approach, the study reveals that the majority of the most retweeted posts referring to the two members of Parliament were negative in tone. Khalid received more abusive tweets than Monsef, even though she is less prominent, due to the former's introduction of an anti-Islamophobia bill. When we examined all the tweets using digital methods, however, we found that the tweets are mostly neutral and that only a small fraction counted as abusive language. This analysis thus reveals that toxicity in the online chatter is manifested mainly in the most retweeted posts, main topics, and recurrent hashtags which audiences often engage with, and that the "long tail," which comprises the majority of tweets, are mainly neutral. This highlights the disproportionate effects of social media amplification of certain attacks and raises questions regarding the status of individual voices. It also supports findings of intersectional discrimination: so-called visible minority women are attacked, regardless of their political prominence, especially if they seek to redress discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Canada, research has examined international-local student interaction by focusing on international students' perceptions and experiences. As such, the perspectives of local students toward socialization with international students remain less explored. Designed as a survey-based case study with 17 local students at a university in Ontario, this study sought to understand the perspectives of local students on how to improve socialization between the two groups. Additionally, this study investigated how local students conceptualized their experiences of multiculturalism and multilingualism at their university, considering the importance of diversity for the development of intercultural knowledge and intercultural relationships. Findings suggest that local students considered their university to be multicultural/multilingual primarily based on the availability of cultural events and different languages being spoken on campus. Moreover, local students ascribed much importance to socialization with international students but expected the university to assume a more formal role in developing structured opportunities for the two groups to come together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper explores integration experiences of immigrants in the Canadian workplace from the perspective of immigrants themselves, focusing on cultural capital and cultural judgments as factors influencing workplace entry, advancement and social integration in an increasingly diverse work environment. Design/methodology/approach: An interpretive approach that involved thematic analysis of in-depth interview data was employed. Findings: The findings reveal that the official two-way multiculturalism policy of Canada is not reflected in the Canadian workplace and that structural forces of assimilation are evident. Cultural judgments and immigrants' cultural capital create barriers for integration. Research limitations/implications: While highlighting important aspects of immigrant experiences within the Canadian workplace, the study findings cannot generate a fully representative theorization of immigrant employment experiences in Canada. Further studies with diverse migrant groups in different parts of the country would shed more light on the issues faced by immigrants. Practical implications: The barriers to social integration identified by this study can be largely overcome by improving intercultural skills and cultural intelligence of employers and employees through training and incorporating values of diversity and inclusion into the corporate culture. Social implications: The factors that foster and hinder workplace integration identified by this study can inform workplace integration strategies and related policies. Originality/value: Much of the literature concerning immigrants' position in Canada address the economic integration and economic well-being of immigrants, focusing on quantitative, macro level analyses of earnings disparity and labor market segmentation. There is a lack of qualitative research that explores the integration process through the lens of immigrants. Informed by the theories of cultural capital, cultural judgment and integration, the study sheds light on the everyday workplace experiences of skilled migrants and perceived barriers to workplace entry, advancement and social integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to develop the argument that it is time for a national roundtable negotiation among Indigenous peoples, the two English and French settler nations, the BIPOC communities and the various immigrant groups to consider the merits of cosmopolitanism as a moral and cultural framework of our interrelated relationships and intercultural encounters in Canada. In an interdependent globalized world that is becoming “superdiverse,” I argue that it is time to shift from the language of “tolerance” of the “Other” to the language of “engagement” with “fellow human beings” guided by the moral and cultural cosmopolitanism for social and global justice, equality and equity, and inclusion through the fulfillment of human rights. The purpose of this public discussion is to urge the Canadian Council of Ministers of Education as well as the federal government to put this question on their agenda for consideration as a new framework for Canada’s educational, social, economic and political policies. This argumentative paper has the potential to benefit policymakers, curriculum designers, educators, and ministries of education across Canada and beyond to consolidate moral and cultural cosmopolitanism as a national and international approach to harmonious human coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study probes the Charter's representations and repercussions over time, specifically in relation to section 27, which enshrines Canada's multicultural heritage. Multiculturalism, an oft-cited symbol of Canadian national identity and inclusiveness, is instead shown to be an exercise in performativity, power, and privilege through a careful examination of the disjunctures between Liberal leader and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's public imagery, and a pre-2019 federal election scandal that erupted when grainy photos of a young, costumed Trudeau in "blackface" became public, potentially disrupting his careful and calculated framing as a ground-breaking progressive committed to diversity. A consideration of the Trudeau "brand," a brief history of blackface, and an overview and analysis of select media coverage around the scandal provide a telling tale of Canada's problematic performativity around multiculturalism and epitomize the thinness of its patina of egalitarianism. Rather than representing a reflection on the individual, incidental, or idiosyncratic nature of the incident, the anatomy of this scandal epitomizes the paradoxical and contradictory contemporary evocations of section 27 in which multiculturalism serves as a form of legitimation that is ultimately exclusionary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of British Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Canada was the first country in the world to establish multiculturalism as its official policy for the governance of diversity. Canadian multiculturalism has gained much popularity in political and public discourses in the past 50 years, and it has also received no less criticism as to its effectiveness in addressing issues of racism. There have also been ambiguities over the meaning and intention of multiculturalism, leading to divergent understandings of multiculturalism as an ideal of inclusion and equity, on the one hand, and a mere political rhetoric, on the other. On the occasion of celebrating the 50th anniversary of Canada's official multiculturalism policy, this article re-visits Canada's multiculturalism by reviewing its history and ethos and critically examining its actual effects as manifested during the Covid-19 pandemic in Canada. The rise of anti-Asian racism, anti-Black racism, and anti-Indigenous racism incidents in the pandemic reveals that multiculturalism has in effect, sustained a racist and unequal society of Canada with racism entrenched in its history and ingrained in every aspect of its social structure. Multiculturalism tolerates cultural difference but does not challenge an unjust society premised on white supremacy. The anti-racism movement mobilized by racialized communities in Canada indicates that multiculturalism has failed to respond to racialized communities' pressing demand for social change and action for social justice. The article concludes with a proposed alternative framework to multiculturalism, that is, pandemic anti-racism education model, to centre the issue of race and racism in an action-oriented, inclusive, and empowering approach toward a future of a just society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Canadian Association for Curriculum Studies is the property of Journal of the Canadian Association for Curriculum Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reports the results of a survey examining 168 immigrant and non-immigrant youth's perspectives of intergroup relations, support for immigration, and feelings of belonging in Canada. Using Allport's (1954) contact theory and the multiculturalism hypothesis (Berry et al., 2021) as a framework, the data is analyzed in the context of relative levels of intergroup contact, friendship, immigration-related knowledgeability, and perceived diversity. This study finds that, overall, the Canadian youth surveyed were more supportive of immigration than older generations and reported high levels of intergroup positivity and frequent intergroup contact. Moreover, intergroup contact and intergroup friendships were positively associated with feelings of belonging, whereas support for immigration was associated with immigration-related knowledgeability and perceptions of diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arguably, two aspects of national identity that Canadians are most recognized for are hockey and multiculturalism; yet, few scholars have examined the implications of Canada's mythological and nostalgic hockey culture for immigrants from various racial and ethnic backgrounds. This analysis uses Twitter to gain uncensored insight into how Hockey Night in Canada Punjabi (HNIC Punjabi) is received by the general Canadian public. It is argued that when people of color become visible in traditionally white arenas (such as hockey) some Canadians are flummoxed by the sight of multiculturalism, while not necessarily being opposed to the idea of it. Laughter was also observed as a common reaction to HNIC Punjabi; consequently, despite the promise of a multicultural society, Punjabi Sikh Canadians are situated as paradoxical to hockey in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explain and defend the concept of multicultural nationhood. Multicultural nationhood accounts for how a nation can have a cohesive identity despite being internally diverse. In Canada, the challenge of nation-building despite the country's diversity has prompted reflection on how to conceive of the national identity. The two most influential theories of multiculturalism to come from Canada, those of Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka, emerged through consideration of Canada's diversity, particularly the place of Québécois, Indigenous peoples, and immigrants in society. I begin by synthesizing Taylor's and Kymlicka's theories. I then propose a new subjective definition of nation, wherein the character of a nation is determined by how its members conceive of themselves. Once these concepts are explained, they are combined in an account of multicultural nationhood. Multicultural nationhood involves the cultivation of a national identity wherein various cultural groups are recognized as constitutive of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: This article draws on municipal, provincial, and federal archives to examine multiculturalism as an ideology, a government strategy, and a media discourse. Analysis: The author scrutinizes official and corporate forms of multiculturalism in Canada between 1971 and 2003, and develops case studies of "tempered radicals" who worked with and within small-l liberal institutions and discourses while trying to change them. Conclusions and implications: The author suggests that the keyword "shy elitism" might be a helpful tool to address the forms of credentialism and anti-intellectualism that have often confined and defined the study of multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The Montreal Cognitive Assessment (MoCA) and the Dementia Rating Scale‐2 (DRS‐2) are recommended screeners for Parkinson's disease mild cognitive impairment (PD‐MCI). Cross‐cultural studies examining their diagnostic precision have not addressed cultural bias in a multicultural setting. Objectives: To compare DRS‐2 and MoCA performance between patients born in Canada, the USA, and the UK (Anglosphere group) and immigrant patients born elsewhere (International group). To identify sources of cultural bias by comparing group characteristics, and by assessing the relationships between performance and immigration and socio‐development variables. To examine the diagnostic precision of both tools in detecting PD‐MCI in each group. Methods: We conducted a clinical chart review of advanced PD patients who completed cognitive screeners (MoCA: n = 288, 30% International group; DRS‐2: n = 426, 31% International group). All completed a comprehensive neuropsychological assessment to apply Level II PD‐MCI diagnostic criteria. Results: The International group performed worse than the Anglosphere group on the MoCA and DRS‐2, and the only variable that accounted for some of the group difference was the Historical Index of Human Development, a societal variable, which fully mediated the group effect on the DRS‐2. Diagnostic precision of the MoCA was at chance level in the International group, and was poorer than that of the DRS‐II in this group and that of the MoCA in the Anglosphere group, although these were considered poor. Conclusions: Our results support the recommendation to exert caution in using cognitive screeners to capture PD‐MCI in all patients and particularly with first generation immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking Canada as a widely envied and imitated example of liberal, "difference-blind" economic immigration, in this paper, I examine the permeability, constraints, and symbolic meaning of the different requirements of the naturalization process from the perspective of those who have undergone the process. Based on interviews with recently naturalized Canadians, my study reveals that the three steps of the application process – filing the application, studying the citizenship guide and sitting the test, attending the citizenship ceremony and swearing the citizenship oath – constitute mostly blurred boundaries for skilled and highly educated immigrants, with occasional bright boundaries related to management flaws, classed naturalization, and cultural biases. Specifically, immigrants endowed with valued forms of human capital are naturalizing fast and easily even if they are members of racial, ethnic or religious minorities. This underscores the strength of multiculturalism as national identity and ethos of societal integration. However, the attainment of citizenship in the multicultural nation does not come quasi-automatically as a right for everyone after years of lawful residency. Rather, it is granted as an earned privilege only to those who demonstrate the successful mastery of the skills and mindset of middle-class professionals. Since naturalization now operates along the same econocentric logic that governs immigrant selection through the points system, individuals admitted through non-economic streams, such as refugees and immigrants in the family class are increasingly struggling with the naturalization process. This raises questions about the implicit biases and new fault lines of seemingly difference-blind middle-class nation-building through immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article author talks about the SARS (COVID-19) outbreak and use of the mask and inadequate personal protective equipment. It further discusses racializing discourse of anti-Asian sentiment that seethed beneath the civil veneer of Canadian multiculturalism; the increased risk that care workers faced; and the latest form of Sinophobia in this pandemic combines classic Yellow Peril yarns with the far-fetched fantasies of techno-orientalism.

Canadian immigration politics and policymaking are striking. Canadian admission targets have steadily increased since the global economic crisis of 2008-2009, regardless of the party in power and despite the COVID-19 pandemic. In contrast to the less welcoming attitudes of publics in other industrialized democracies, Canadians have enthusiastically supported expansive immigration policies. Elite and popular support for Canada's official multiculturalism policy also runs counter to trends in other states. The articles in this special issue of the American Review of Canadian Studies explore the factors underlying Canada's distinctive approach to immigration, pointing out some important limits and attendant tensions in the 'Canadian model.' Canadians' embrace of immigration and multiculturalism is based on important qualifications. Taken together, these qualifications raise questions about the scope and extent of Canadian exceptionalism. They also help us understand what, if anything, other countries can borrow from Canada and the likely trajectory of Canadian immigration policy moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that satisfaction with multiculturalism and support for discrimination in the immigration system are conceptually linked but distinct in the Canadian public's mind. Following a large literature, I make the case that despite a normative assumption of nondiscrimination in the intellectual framework and policy rhetoric of multiculturalism, the public can support discrimination while also supporting multiculturalism. To support this, I present the results of a 2017 survey of Canadians. I show that slightly less than half of respondents are willing to explicitly support discrimination. Next, I show that, when faced with a more complex decision that offers the chance to discriminate, many do so. Finally, I compare experimental results to a nearly identical experiment in the United States, which reveals that Canadian and American respondents discriminate at similar rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compared to other Western democracies, there has been relatively stable support for multiculturalism in Canada since its adoption in 1971, both amongst the general public and amongst the three main political parties. Conservative opposition to multiculturalism has, therefore, typically taken the form of "stealth" reforms to undercut its progressive potential, not direct frontal attacks. During the 2015 election, however, the Conservative Party campaigned on an explicitly anti-multiculturalist platform. This provided a clear opportunity to test "Canadian exceptionalism" in relation to public support for multiculturalism. In this article, I explore the Conservatives' strategy, and its impact on the election. The evidence suggests that a significant part of the Canadian electorate was responsive to an anti-multicultural—and more specifically anti-Muslim—discourse. However, when this discourse was pushed too far, voters recoiled from what was perceived as an excessive, and indeed "unCanadian," politics of distrust and division. The article explores different ways of understanding this tipping point, and what it tells us about the precarious resilience of multiculturalism in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many scholars who worry about the future of liberal democracy, a central challenge has been to conceive civic and national identities that are robust enough to sustain collective action without defining the criteria of shared membership in ways that are too narrow, exclusive, or inaccessible. This essay addresses the familiar questions that lie at the heart of this challenge – who belongs? and on what terms? - but with a double twist: First, I reflect on the normative questions posed by political theorists about "belonging," but do so in dialogue with the empirical evidence generated by a cross-national opinion survey on national identity undertaken by the Pew Research Center. Second, I explore the Canadian case in greater detail, suggesting that sharing customs and traditions, anchored to and validated by the Charter of Rights, may be a surprising and under-utilized resource in establishing a more flexible account of belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bicultural individuals generally maintain their heritage cultures and live in accordance with mainstream culture with relative ease. However, when the two cultures hold incompatible values, beliefs, and social norms over what is considered appropriate, bicultural individuals may face unique challenges. One such challenge is potentially experiencing rejection from their families for transgressing their heritage cultural norms, which can cause psychological distress. The present study explored the association of familial rejection for transgressing heritage cultural norms and psychological distress in situations where those norms are incompatible with mainstream Canadian norms, and the role that Canadian group identification plays. Results revealed that familial rejection for transgressing heritage cultural norms may be associated with psychological distress; however, that association can be attenuated for those who strongly identify as Canadian. Results of the present study provide empirical support for the widely held but untested assumption that bicultural individuals' experiences of familial rejection for transgressing heritage cultural norms is associated with psychological distress. Additionally, results of the present study suggest that Canadian group identification can assist bicultural Canadians to better cope when their familial relationships are threatened as a result of their heritage cultural norm transgressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of British Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While much has been spoken about the benefits and risks of student mobility in large scales, little attention has been given to how professors experience the burgeoning process of internationalization of higher education and how the presence of numerous international students has affected their teaching philosophies and practices. Given the importance of teachers' beliefs to how they enact their practices, and especially in a country like Canada that takes pride on their multiculturalism policies, it is imperative to understand how professors perceive the cultural diversity they face daily in the classroom. In this phenomenological study, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 10 professors at a Canadian university. Findings reveal how professors not only feel overwhelmed by this transforming scenario but also how their beliefs and experience pose a challenge to the process of internationalization itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines how culinary infrastructure encouraged and impeded immigrant entrepreneurship in provisioning Toronto before Canada adopted an official policy of multiculturalism in the 1970s. Culinary infrastructure refers broadly to facilities and technologies – both physical and knowledge-based – that undergird food systems. The Anglo-dominated infrastructural hub of the St. Lawrence market provided the central food retailing space during the Victorian era, then became a wholesale depot in the first half of the twentieth century, and finally gentrified into a tourist market in the 1970s. Nevertheless, until the belated rise of supermarkets, most residents purchased food from immigrant entrepreneurs, largely pushcart vendors in the nineteenth century, and increasingly small shopkeepers and street markets such as Kensington in the twentieth. This essay concludes that although the allocation and regulation of markets were intended to assimilate immigrant foodways into an idealized Anglo city, newcomers actively shaped Toronto's culinary geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well documented that the strength of national attachment relates to attitudes toward ethnocultural diversity, and that the direction of the relationship varies across national contexts. Yet, little attention has been given to the fact that attachments may not be expressed solely at the national level. In federal and multinational states, individuals can express attachment to the country and to its territorial units. This study investigates the relationship between (national and provincial) attachments and attitudes toward ethnocultural diversity in the Canadian federation. Our findings indicate that stronger attachments to Canada lead to more positive attitudes toward ethnocultural diversity in all provinces. They also demonstrate that provincial attachments relate to attitudes toward ethnocultural diversity both in a minority nation provincial context (Quebec) and in other provinces (Alberta and Saskatchewan), but that the direction of this relationship can be of opposite direction than that for attachment to Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black Canadian writer Wayde Compton's short story collection The Outer Harbour (2015) is located in the Afroperiphery of British Columbia which stands as a 'contact zone' that enables the alliances between Black and Indigenous peoples and also establishes a fecund ground of possibilities to emphasize the way in which crossethnic coalitions and representations reconsider imperial encounters previously ignored. The stories participate in the recent turn in Indigenous studies towards kinship and cross-ethnicity to map out the connected and shared itineraries of Black and Indigenous peoples and re-read Indigeneity in interaction. At the same time, the stories offer a fresh way to revisit Indigeneity in Canada through the collaborative lens and perspective of the Afroperipheral reality. In doing so, they contribute to calling attention to current cross-ethnic struggles for Indigenous rights and sovereignty in Canada that rely on kinship and ethnic alliances to keep on interrogating the shortcomings of the nation's multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses role of Association of Canadian Studies as an interdisciplinary organization to promote teaching and research on Canada. Topics discussed include e embrace of ‘multiculturalism' as a defining characteristic of Canadian society; new approaches to scholarship across the social sciences and humanities; and role of history as the trajectory of Canadian development to illuminate some of the roots of dilemma regarding Canadian studies.

The article discusses trajectory of Canadian Literature in liberal and progressive framework. Topics discussed include importance of Tsilhqot'in decision for Canadian legal affirmation of unextinguished Indigenous land rights; role of community activist and community arts engagements to work for liberation; and use of politics and poetics of relation to counter a banal multiculturalism.

The article discusses need for Canadianists to incite ‘good trouble' (to borrow the late U.S. Civil Rights Movement icon John Lewis's phrase) in interrogating the most proud and mischievous mystifications of the Canadian State. Topics discussed include protest to expose and yank out the fangs of Anglo-Saxon power; economic and population strengths among ethnicities; and information on multiculturalism in Canada.

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This article approaches recent discussions on the state of contemporary CanLit as a body of literary texts, an academic field, and an institution. The discussion is informed primarily by a number of recent or relatively recent publications, such as Trans.CanLit. Resituating the Study of Canadian Literature (Kamboureli & Miki 2007), Refuse. CanLit in Ruins (McGregor, Rak & Wunker 2018), Luminous Ink: Writers on Writing in Canada (McWatt, Maharaj & Brand 2018), and the discussions and/or controversies some of those generated – expressed through newspaper and magazine articles, scholarly essays, but also through tweets, etc. The texts have been written as a response to the current state and – in some cases – scandals of CanLit. Many constitute attempts at starting or contributing to a discussion aimed at not only taking stock of, but also reinterpreting and re-defining the field and the institution in view of the challenges of the globalising world. Perhaps more importantly, they address also the challenges resulting from the rift between CanLit as implicated in the (post)colonial nation-building project and rigid institutional structures, perpetuating the silencings, erasures, and hierarchies resulting from such entanglements, and actual literary texts produced by an increasingly diversified group of writers working with a widening range of topics and genres, and creating often intimate, autobiographically inspired art with a sense of responsibility to marginalised communities. The article concludes with the example of Indigenous writing and the position some young Indigenous writers take in the current discussions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My research focuses on how Filipina/os respond to stigmatisation in Canada and the United States and how those responses are impacted by neoliberal ideology and perceptions of multiculturalism. The research uses in-depth interviews of 58 Filipina/o students in Toronto and Los Angeles to analyse the cultural repertoires available to them that enable or constrain a sense of belonging. Canada offers federally funded multicultural policies toward immigrant settlement and ethnic institutions, compared to the informal approach to multiculturalism in the United States. Nonetheless, the interviewees report that Filipina/os experience stigmatisation on a group level despite efforts to 'fit in.' I argue that the dual forces of Western neoliberalism and past colonisation in the Philippines influence tendencies toward either a decolonisation discourse that criticises social structures or a neoliberal discourse that focuses on agency. Perceptions of multiculturalism affect which tendency Filipina/os rely on to mobilise destigmatisation strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Toronto, numerous support groups exist for people living with HIV (PLWH). Membership is based on HIV status and sometimes an additional demographic factor of ethnicity, age, sexuality or gender. Groups cover a range of topics including physical and psycho-social health, and everyday challenges of living with HIV. Based on participant observation in three support groups, this article examines how individualism and cultural difference structure 'positive living' therapeutic frameworks, and how the prioritization of the former over the latter contributes to the production of a depoliticized, neoliberal formation of multicultural therapeutic citizenship with differing effects for differentially positioned PLWH. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on increasing Anti-Black Racism and Intra-racial challenges in Canada. It mentions the concerns regarding the killing of George Floyd, a 46-year-old African American man by a white Minneapolis police officer in May, 2020. It discusses the contradictions between Canada's white supremacist foundation and universalistic principles of multiculturalism.

The article offers information on the racism challenges faced by the people in Canada. It mentions the concerns regarding the killing of George Floyd, a 46-year-old African American man by a white Minneapolis police officer in May, 2020. It discusses the contradictions between Canada's white supremacist foundation and universalistic principles of multiculturalism.