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Copyright of Ottawa Law Review is the property of University of Ottawa, Faculty of Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2013, Québec implemented a greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions trading system (QC ETS), despite opposition from industry, which feared loss of competitiveness and warned about job destruction. This article assesses the impact of that carbon regulation on industrial facilities in Québec. Conditional difference-in-differences ordinary least squares regressions show that regulated plants reduced their GHG emissions by about 9.8%, employment by about 6.8% and carbon intensity by about 3.7% more compared to non-regulated plants in the rest of Canada during the period 2013–2015. This suggests that facilities adapted to the new program by improving their technology, but first and foremost by scaling down their activity, which raises questions about the ability of the QC ETS to induce enough environmental investment and innovation in industrial facilities. The results, in terms of employment effects, contrast with the findings of similar studies on the early stages of the European ETS and the British Columbia carbon tax scheme, and this information challenges the initial allocation scheme for permits, in particular, with a view to a green fiscal reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resistance to the implementation of greenhouse gas pricing policies comes in part from fears about the concentrated impacts on certain industries, certain regions, and on less affluent households. These distributional concerns are valid and, to be fair, policy can accommodate some transitional measures to soften the impact of sudden policy changes. However, the carbon pricing policy recently instituted in Quebec, in partnership with California under the Western Climate Initiative, is relatively modest in price targets, gradual in implementation, and has the capacity to spend revenues on transitional and impact-mediating programs for the labour market and households. We analyze the expected short-run impacts of the policy, focusing on equity in two domains: the household income distribution and labour in different industrial sectors. Our analysis focuses on the short-term effects, before capital is significantly reallocated, and before most substitution toward lower-carbon or imported goods has happened. For reasonable prices and pass-through levels, and modelling direct and indirect emissions, we bracket these impacts, finding modest effects in all cases. Generous permit handouts to incumbents are likely to result in some windfall profits. Quebec would benefit from greater transparency in the intended allocation of the Green Fund revenues. Overall, the policy appears tuned to provide a balance of price predictability, steady decarbonisation, and manageable transition costs, but could likely be more aggressive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2008, the province of British Columbia was an early mover in North America introducing a broad-based and escalating carbon tax. This article explores the interface between the human and non-human environment that resulted in this policy outcome. I use Actor-Network Theory, with its emphasis on the co-construction of human and non-humans, to describe, inform, and problematize the way humans relate to the non-human environment. Drawing on a post-humanist Latourian perspective, I examine the interlocking relationship between "chemical reactions and political reactions." I explore five examples of human and non-human mediation in the development of British Columbia's carbon tax: environmental pricing, the beetle epidemic, political economy, emissions accounting, and emotion. Applying Actor-Network Theory to the case of British Columbia's carbon tax disrupts traditional anthropocentric approaches to policy development, highlighting the role of the non-human environment in shaping, rather than simply being shaped by, policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the potential constitutional bases for Canada's emissions trading regime. It provides an overview of the three heads of Canada's federal power such as the criminal law, trade and commerce, and the national concern branch of the peace, order, and good governance power. Information about the government's explicit policy about greenhouse gas reduction is presented.

The paper discusses energy links between Canada, the United States, and Mexico and the state of greenhouse gas (GHG) emission-reduction policies. A review of GHG reduction policies reveals fragmented approaches with political stalemates at the national level. Closely integrated North American energy markets are potentially changing in different directions. While Canada is contemplating more diversification of energy trade, the United States is increasingly relying on domestic supply of energy and will soon be a net exporter of energy. The paper argues that carbon pricing needs to be harmonized in conjunction with trade flows and elaborates on how current, fragmented carbon pricing initiatives could be turned into a more harmonized carbon pricing system. It provides arguments in support of a binding absolute emissions cap with limited safety valves and price floors in a North American emissions-trading program. It also discusses lessons learned from the EU GHG emissions-trading system and their implications for the design of North American cap-and-trade regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy makers who embrace market-based approaches to environmental regulation, typically eschew carbon taxes in favor of the political advantages of cap and trade, which offers lower visibility of costs to consumers and the opportunity to allocate valuable permits freely to industry. Against this backdrop, the article examines two surprising proposals for carbon taxes, by the government of British Columbia (BC) and by the federal Liberal Party of Canada. Both reflected a triumph of party leaders' normative 'good policy' motives over 'good politics.' The BC tax alone succeeded first because it was adopted by a party already in government. Second, the onset of a recession before the next elections shifted voters' attention to the economy, which advantaged the BC Liberals but disadvantaged their federal counterparts. However, proposals for carbon taxes were unpopular in both jurisdictions, offering a cautionary tale concerning the fate of politicians' normative commitments absent electoral backing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The multi-sector end-use energy model E3MC was used to analyze the energy and greenhouse gas emissions impact of adding a carbon tax to efficiency improvement standards for the residential sector in Canada and the USA. Compared to standards alone, the addition of the tax led to further residential emission reductions in Canada, but attenuated the residential emission reductions in the USA. Examination of the relative residential electricity:natural gas prices demonstrated that the different country impacts were due to an increase in relative prices in the USA, but a decrease in relative prices in Canada that led to opposite shifts in preference for electricity over natural gas in the residential sector. Markedly different impacts of the carbon tax on electricity prices was due to the predominance of hydroelectric power in Canada and coal-fired electric generation in the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the crafting of a cap-and-trade system between the U.S. and Canadian for carbon dioxide emissions to preserve North American energy security and promote the development of carbon-reducing technologies. It suggests that a carefully crafted system will decrease North American dioxide emissions at the same time allocate credits to emissions-intensive industries like the oil sands projects in Alberta. It cites the interest of Mexico in joining in a continental cap-and-trade framework as it positions itself as a climate change leader.

Canada has committed itself under the Kyoto Protocol to reduce greenhouse gas emissions between 2008 and 2012 on average by six per cent from the base 1990 level. As of 2009, however, Canada’s greenhouse gas emissions are far above its 1990 level which calls for stringent short-term policy measures if Canada is to meet its legally binding commitment. This paper uses a multi-region, multi-commodity static general equilibrium model to quantify the economic impacts of alternative compliance strategies for Canada in the context of climate policies undertaken by other Kyoto parties. The numerical results confirm fears by Canadian policymakers of substantial economic adjustment costs should Canada fulfill its Kyoto commitments solely through domestic action. However, a rigorous use of the project-based CDM on top of international emissions trading could allow Canada to live up to its international climate policy commitment at politically much more tolerable costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses fundamental questions that should be asked of any cap-and-trade system in Canada. These include whether the carbon price is likely to be high enough to reduce Canada's emissions and the recipient of the money when someone pays the carbon price. Key reasons why a Canadian cap-and-trade system needs to be similarly broad are cited.

The article discusses how the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO) affect carbon pricing by the Canadian federal government and the provinces. It examines the reasons for the difficulty of addressing climate change for the WTO. Issues how WTO rules limit choices that governments can make for pricing carbon are discussed including taxes, emissions trading and border tax adjustments. Important factors in determining the appropriate climate change policy are cited.

We interpret a suite of satellite, aircraft, and ground-based measurements over the North Pacific Ocean and western North America during April-May 2006 as part of the Intercontinental Chemical Transport Experiment Phase B (INTEX-B) campaign to understand the implications of long-range transport of East Asian emissions to North America. The Canadian component of INTEX-B included 33 vertical profiles from a Cessna 207 aircraft equipped with an aerosol mass spectrometer. Long-range transport of organic aerosols was insignificant, contrary to expectations. Measured sulfate plumes in the free troposphere over British Columbia exceeded 2μg/m³. We update the global anthropogenic emission inventory in a chemical transport model (GEOS-Chem) and use it to interpret the observations. Aerosol Optical Depth (AOD) retrieved from two satellite instruments (MISR and MODIS) for 2000-2006 are analyzed with GEOS-Chem to estimate an annual growth in Chinese sulfur emissions of 6.2% and 9.6%, respectively. Analysis of aircraft sulfate measurements from the NASA DC-8 over the central Pacific, the NSF C-130 over the east Pacific and the Cessna over British Columbia indicates most Asian sulfate over the ocean is in the lower free troposphere (800-600 hPa), with a decrease in pressure toward land due to orographic effects. We calculate that 56% of the measured sulfate between 500-900 hPa over British Columbia is due to East Asian sources. We find evidence of a 72-85% increase in the relative contribution of East Asian sulfate to the total burden in spring off the northwest coast of the United States since 1985. Campaign-average simulations indicate anthropogenic East Asian sulfur emissions increase mean springtime sulfate in Western Canada at the surface by 0.31μg/m³(∼30%) and account for 50% of the overall regional sulfate burden between 1 and 5 km. Mean measured daily surface sulfate concentrations taken in the Vancouver area increase by 0.32μg/m³ per 10% increase in the simulated fraction of Asian sulfate, and suggest current East Asian emissions episodically degrade local air quality by more than 1.5μg/m³. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The challenge of creating a global low-carbon society is examined from the perspectives of a slow-growing but highly developed economy (Canada) and a fast-growing developing economy (China). Both countries' responses are compared to a similar carbon price schedule (US$10/tCO2e in 2013 rising exponentially to $100 by 2050) using a hybrid technologically explicit and behaviourally realistic model with macroeconomic feedbacks (CIMS). Then additional measures are imposed based on the national circumstances of each country; for Canada we simulate a 50% reduction by 2050, and stabilization for China. The scale of the challenge in all cases requires that every available option be vigorously pursued, including energy efficiency, fuel switching, carbon capture and storage, and accelerated development of renewables; to compensate, there are significant co-reductions of local air pollutants such as SOx and NOx. Finally, the abatement cost schedules of China and Canada are compared, and implications considered for carbon permit flows if the cost schedule of the rest of the developed world is assumed to be similar to that of Canada. We found that the developed world and China could collectively reduce emissions by 50% in 2050 at a price of $175/ tCO2e, with permits flowing from the developed countries to China; while abatement costs are lower in China up to $75/t, at higher prices reductions are less costly in the developed world. Our results indicate that a global low-carbon society is feasible, on condition that policy makers are willing and able to impose long-term, credible policy packages with carbon pricing policy as the core element, coupled with supplementary regulations to address market failures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Regional Science / Revue Canadienne des Sciences Régionales is the property of Canadian Regional Science Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Union (EU) has raised concerns about the use of sinks and an Emissions Intensity system in Canada and has decided not to allow sinks to be included in its trading system. Despite this restriction, the EU has shown interest in expanding its trading system to include other countries such as Japan and Canada, while Canada hopes to use sinks and a domestic trading system with an Emissions Intensity regulatory mechanism to meet its Kyoto GHG commitments. In this paper, we briefly discuss some of the implications of the Emissions Intensity regulations scheme, and then develop a simple credit model with trade to illustrate the effect of a trade ban put in place by the EU, first, when it is fully binding and second, when there are countries that can act to arbitrage both markets (e.g., Japan). We also look at the possibilities of using harmonization frameworks to control trade, as well as using a form of discounting with respect to Canadian credits. We show that it is highly unlikely that a trade barrier will increase the use of emission reduction (and decreased use of sinks), and that, particularly in the likely case that Canada will import credits, trade barriers will actually increase the use of sinks. We do find, however, that the use of discounting could serve as a possible policy alternative to increase the use of EU reductions, while decreasing the quantity of Canadian sink credits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investigates the agricultural system and the development of a domestic emission trading and offset system in Canada. Eligibility and design criteria for offset projects; Development of temporary offset credits; Distribution of transaction costs between projects.

Examines the cultural hypothesis as an explanation of the slow progress in implementing emissions trading in Canada. Comparison of the pollution markets with other countries; Implication of national culture on the introduction of emissions trading; Argument on the doubt of cultural hypothesis.

Focuses on greenhouse gas emissions trading in Canada. Description of the regulatory programs for greenhouse gas emissions; Voluntary pilot programs for the trading of greenhouse gases; Efforts to design a national greenhouse gas emissions trading program to help meet Canada's Kyoto Protocol commitment.

Discusses Canada's policy of supporting the Kyoto Protocol in its current form. Highlights of the Kyoto Protocol; Technical problems and concerns on emission trading program; Danger for Canada of combining international emission trading and foreign business ownership; Negative economic implications of the protocol trading provisions.

Reports a laboratory investigation of an emissions trading program proposed for the control of nitrous oxides (NOx) and volatile organic compounds (VOCs) in southern Ontario and Quebec. Modification of the experiment design developed by Cronshaw and Brown Kruse; Simultaneous trading in coupons and shares.

Explores two basic questions regarding the use of marketable emission rights as a mechanism for controlling pollutants in Canada. Issue of whether permits should be sold or given away; Issue of what substances should be covered by the permits; Advantages of gratis allocation of transferable permits coupled with rent capture provisions.

Illustrates that the credible functioning of the United States national emission market provides a means of controlling transnational pollution of acid rain in Canada. Acid rain pollution and the American sulfur dioxide permit market; Incentives of the polluted country to retire polluting country's permits; Cost efficiency of retiring sulfur dioxide permits by Canada; Actual performance of the US permit market and implications.

Reports on Canadian and U.S. officials' launch of a study to determine if cross-border trading of nitrogen oxide and sulphur dioxide could help reduce transboundary air pollution. Aim to model how a potential transboundary trading system would change pollutant emissions and who would buy and sell emission allowances; Criticism from academic and environmental sectors.

The article reports on the coalition of the political leaders in the U.S. and in Canada to fight against greenhouse-gas emissionss. It states that six U.S. governors and the premiere of Manitoba in Canada have agreed to cut the emissions and will set up a Midwestern carbon-trading market. According to the World Resources Institute, roughly half of the U.S. population is now covered by some form of greenhouse-gas agreement. Meanwhile, a U.S. appeals court has dismissed a fuel-efficiency regulations established for sports utility vehicles (SUV) and has ordered the administration to strengthen the standards of carbon dioxide emissions.