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Canadian research examining the overlap between Black women's victimization and criminalization is sparse. This qualitative study addresses this gap by examining the ways in which criminalized Black women's intersecting identities of race, class, and gender influence how they perceive, experience, and respond to intimate partner violence (IPV). Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 25 Black women who experienced IPV. The findings focus on the women (15) who were also charged with an IPV-related offense. Critical race feminism was employed to analyze their narratives. This research has implications for policy, practice, and future research with Black women who are victimized and criminalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study was informed by critical race feminism and sought to examine Canadian Black women's motivations for participating in the research study that explored their experiences with the police in the context of intimate partner violence (IPV), and the key factors that complicated their decisions. Semistructured interviews were conducted with 25 self-identified women over the age of 18. Findings indicated that Black women's experiences of anti-Black racism and various forms of systemic barriers influenced their decisions to disclose their experiences of IPV. Key themes included the invisibility of Black women's narratives, fostering political change, and the impact of racialized and gendered insider positionality. Given these findings, positioning Black women's narratives at the centre of IPV research creates opportunities for Black women to share their experiences of IPV, recognizes them as experts of their own experiences, identifies their differential experiences accessing services and supports and the barriers that impact their participation in research studies. The study provides strategies on how to increase Black women's participation and engagement in IPV research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study was informed by critical race feminism and explored Black women's experiences with the police with a particular focus on how issues of race, racism, oppression, and subordination inform their experiences. It sought to answer three research questions: (1) What is known about Black women's experiences with the police in the context of intimate partner violence? (2) Given their experiences with the police, what is their perception of the police? and (3) To what extent do women construct counter-narratives of their experiences with the police and what does that involve? The sample was comprised of 25 participants, 15 of whom were arrested. The women were over the age of 18 and lived in the Greater Toronto Area and surrounding areas. Most women expressed that they had negative encounters with the police, which was influenced by the police's negative perceptions of them. Black women who called the police to intervene in an intimate partner violence incident were subjected to great scrutiny and vulnerable to racialized and gendered police violence. Consequently, women were fearful and distrustful of the police and were less likely to seek help from them in the future. The study answers the call for research that examines Black women's experiences with the police from their perspective. It has implications for social service providers and provides strategies to improve future police interactions with Black communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Critical review of institutional policies is necessary to identify and eliminate structural discrimination in medical schools. Dress code policies are well known to facilitate discrimination in other settings. Methods: In this critical policy analysis, the authors used qualitative inquiry guided by feminist critical policy analysis (FCPA) and critical race feminism (CRF) frameworks to understand how Canadian undergraduate medical school dress code policies may contribute to discrimination and a hostile culture for marginalised groups. Dress code policies were obtained from 14 of 17 Canadian medical schools in September 2021. Deductive content analysis of dress codes was performed independently and in parallel by all four members of a racially diverse study team using Edwards and Marshalls' established framework for applying FCPA and CRF to dress code policy statements. Inductive content analysis was used to classify statements that fell outside this framework. Using a historical and contemporary legal understanding of how dress code policies have been used to discriminate against marginalised groups, the authors analysed how recommendations or restrictions may contribute to discrimination of marginalised medical students. Results: Fourteen dress code policies were analysed. Overall, there were five feminine‐coded restrictions for every one masculine‐coded restriction (n = 77/213 and n = 16/213, respectively). Some policies prohibited feminine‐coded items (e.g. perfumes and bracelets) while specifically allowing masculine‐coded items (e.g. cologne and watches). A discourse of 'professionalism' based on patient preferences prioritised Eurocentric patriarchal norms for appearance, potentially penalising racially and culturally diverse students. Most policies did not include a policy for appeals or accommodations. Conclusion: Canadian undergraduate medical school dress code policies overregulate women and gender, racially and culturally diverse students by explicitly and implicitly enforcing white patriarchal social norms. Administrators should apply best practices to these policies to avoid discrimination and a hostile culture to marginalised groups. Applying feminist critical policy analysis to medical school dress codes, Lithgow et al. report more restrictive policies for women than men along with language that may contribute to discrimination and exclusion of marginalized groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1993, the Canadian Journal of Women and the Law published a special issue on racism in an effort to 'shift paradigms' in feminist legal scholarship in Canada. This article examines scholarship published in the journal since that time to evaluate to what extent this aspiration has been realized. Although some progress has been made, feminist theorizing around racism and colonialism is not being undertaken as a matter of course. Rather, this theorizing is pursued most often when an issue has obvious significance to racialized women. The author explores why feminists, and white feminists in particular, still do not regularly integrate the impact of racism and colonialism into their writing and the potential consequences of this choice. She argues that ignoring the role of racism and colonialism in legal scholarship perpetuates systems of domination, which feminism should be aggressively dismantling and thus impedes the feminist project. The author ultimately questions whether theorizing without meaningful analysis of the role of racism, colonialism, and other sites of oppression can still be considered feminist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reveals how particular mass-mediated journalistic discourses of white middle- class "respectability" are normalized and rendered invisible by dominant media institutions. It explores how Canadian mainstream journalism not only interprets reality in ways that reflect reactionary ideologies and prevailing views of "common sense," but is responsible for constructing that reality. This reality also reflects how Canadian productions of gendered racial citizenship and white supremacy are currently being reconstituted and revivified by the neoliberal "anti-state state," and are fueling the discursive and physical violence that drives "necropolitics." The article engages in a frame analysis of news coverage of two high-profile criminal cases that are cited as the cause célèbre legitimizing the passage of The Citizen's Arrest and Self-defence Act, and engages with the interventions of critical race feminism and postcolonial theory, which are attentive to how gender and race thinking are co-imbricated in necropolitical forms of power within white settler societies. Since the dualist "construct of respectability and degeneracy" determines who possesses the rightful claim to citizenship and who is excluded from belonging to the nation, it remains important in uncovering interlocking structures of domination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through collaborative autoethnography, a mother and a daughter with shared and diverging identities examine the hijab as a radical practice of feminist resistance in our lives. Our lived experiences as Indo-Caribbean social workers and university educators at a predominantly white institution offer a unique point of departure from normative narratives of hijabi girls and women. Using a critical feminist analysis, we chronicle our journey through more than 60 years of patriarchal oppression and white supremacy. Our stories reveal a complicated relationship with the hijab as an important faith practice which also functions as a marker of otherness that signals unbelonging in all spheres of our lives including the academy and social work practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent Canadian and international events have sparked dialogue and action to address racism within the nursing discipline. While the urgency to seek and implement antiracist solutions demands the attention of nurses, we contend that a contemporary analysis of the mechanisms that continue to perpetuate racism within nursing's theoretical foundation is required first. This study reconsiders the perceived functions of racism within the current state of nursing concepts and theories. In particular, we expose the role that covert racism plays by inadvertently sustaining racism through nursing's theoretical foundation, and how this process strengthens white supremacy. We argue that, in the absence of exposing these covert mechanisms, the development of solutions will be futile in dismantling racism. By making visible the covert mechanisms of racism within nursing's theoretical foundation, we attempt to establish an opportunity for the nursing discipline to dismantle its racist foundation and engage in sustained antiracist action. Lastly, this study demonstrates the need to equip the discipline with a moral commitment to antiracism in an effort to emancipate nursing from its racist legacies., (© 2021 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.)

This paper contributes to the growing body of work on precarious labor, immigration, and social gerontology by examining the racialization of precarious employment across the life course. In particular, the authors examine the impact of precarious employment and discrimination among racialized older immigrants in Canada. Racialized older immigrants are more likely to be disadvantaged by the effects of lifelong intersections of economic and social discrimination rooted in racialization, gender, ageism, and socio-economic status. Drawing from a narrative-photovoice project that focused on the life stories of older immigrants living in Quebec and British Columbia, this paper presents the in-depth stories and photographs of four participants to highlight how intersections of race, gender, age, immigration status, and ability shape and structure experiences of aging, labor market participation and caregiving relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Significant socio-economic, health, and mental health disparities due to highly entrenched and systemic anti-Black racism in Canadian institutions, policies, and practices are now well documented in research and policy reports. Yet, few in-depth studies have addressed the mental health impacts of anti-Black racism on Canadian populations. This article is rooted in a community-based, qualitative research project with young first and second-generation Black Caribbean-Canadian mothers and is informed by Black Feminist epistemologies and intersectional theories and methodologies. Our research demonstrates how participants' childhood experiences with xenophobic and racist immigration policies and educational, child welfare, and childcare systems caused their future mental health challenges as young Black mothers, and how these struggles were exacerbated by their encounters with the racist, ageist, xenophobic medical, social, and mental health services they had to access as young mothers. Based on these findings, we recommend enhancements to current social policies to minimize the differential mental health impacts on young Black Canadian mothers., (© 2023 The Authors. Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of Canadian Sociological Association/La Société canadienne de sociologie.)

Aboriginal children are chronically overrepresented across all points in the child welfare system in Canada. Parallels between the racialized migrant experience and the injustices experienced by Aboriginal peoples are reviewed, starting with the development of Canada as a nation and reviewing colonialism and racism as it relates to Aboriginal peoples' and racialized migrants' experiences with child welfare. This comparative analysis will illuminate how injustices continue to be reproduced, focusing on the child welfare system, as part of the devastating effects that colonization has on Aboriginal peoples, but also as evidence of colonization being reproduced through current discriminatory legislation and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore the role of social empathy in policymaking. Social empathy extends empathy from an interpersonal disposition to the social and political structures that inform policy processes and outcomes. Empathy requires an emotional understanding of phenomena, which we suggest can be cultivated through an emotional analysis of policy, and can result in more socially just outcomes. Building on social work and emotional policy analysis research, we present a framework for both nurturing and applying empathy in policy contexts, which is then applied to the case of Canada's Caregiver Program. We demonstrate how emotional discourse analysis exposes the various subject positions of both the analyst and policy subjects, implicating disciplinary forces that hinder connection between actors. Once such forces are illuminated, policymakers can reconfigure policy in more socially just ways. We thus emphasize the transformative potential of fostering empathy in and through policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Millennium (03058298) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Social Work Review / Revue Canadienne de Service Social is the property of Canadian Association for Social Work Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, I review contemporary Indigenous women's scholarship, describing transformations from 1985 to the present, first to characterize this scholarship on its own terms and second to situate this literature with respect to recent, nascent dialogues with anti-racist feminisms. What is the focus and range of Indigenous women's scholarship, from 1985 until today? What does this work seek to do, that is, what are the intertwined political and scholarly aims of this scholarship? I suggest that Indigenous women's scholarly writing is concerned with resilience, or survival, resistance or challenges to colonial power and relationships, and resurgence, or a turning-inward to renew Indigenous knowledges and practices. In the discussion, I briefly consider how the increasingly rich and diverse field of Indigenous women's theorizing and praxis informs an emerging dialogue with anti-racist feminist scholars within the academy and in the broader context of colonial Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada is defined by its commitment to multicultural diversity, tolerance and liberalism that belie the dominant whiteness of our institutions, including academia. Canadian Communication Studies, despite its history of attending to the power dynamics of the center and the margins, is no exception to this rule. Studies of racism and colonialism are confined to the corners of the discipline, reflecting the lack of representation in communication departments, the canon, and in the field's flagship journal. This sharply contrasts the prevalence of contemporary issues concerning race, religion, nationalism, nationwide Indigenous movements and anti-racist campaigns, as well as mobilizations against police violence, Islamophobia, and pipelines. Colonialism, race and racialization are central to the framing of these issues and demand urgent attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security governance practices are contingent on the imagination of future threats. The "war on terror" has produced a very narrow imagination of threats, almost singularly focused on suspect communities that are Arab, Muslim, or perceived to be Middle Eastern. Discussing how immigration practices in Canada have been influenced by counter-terrorism trends, we argue that "terror identities" are mutable and highly racialised imaginaries that cast indelible marks of suspicion on subjects who are deemed as security threats. Examining the case of a journalist deemed inadmissible to Canada because of her "membership" in the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO), we argue that terror identities impose authoritative control over the status and lived experiences of individuals who are cast through these racialised labelling practices. Focussing on the shifting characterisation of the PLO by Canadian officials as both political interlocutor and terrorist organisation, our purpose is to highlight how racialised imaginations of terror identities enact punitive and discriminatory practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the U.S. President Donald Trump administration's overall restrictions on the H-1B visa, the most common work visa for foreign workers pursuing employment in the U.S. Topics include comparison of Canada's immigration regulations with the U.S.; devastating effects the H-4 EAD revocation on the women relying on it as well as possible legal remedies for them; and the enactment of Immigration and Nationality Act covering immigration in the country.

This paper introduces the production of Muslim exceptionality in Canada. I do this by tracing how Ismaili Muslims, as liberal and modern Muslims are being mapped onto Canada. This mapping happens in relation to other racialized and Indigenous bodies within the nation state. As part of a feminist ethnographic study, this paper specifically analyzes the presence, representation and consumption of a building called the Delegation of the Ismaili Imamat on Confederation Boulevard in Ottawa, Canada's capital. This mapping is undertaken through examining the spacialization of liberal, modern Islam and its significance to ongoing colonial nation-building practices in Canada that are rooted in civilizational and humanistic goals. Through this analysis, the paper argues that the exceptional Muslim takes the form not as a body of negation but as a body of difference that is productively distinct and neo-oriental, paradoxically animating in the space of the Canadian nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The image of the “oppressed” Muslim woman is one that has become deeply entrenched in Canadian society. It is fuelled not only by the over decade-long “War on Terror”, but also by the increasing use of cultural explanations of patriarchy, which posit gender inequalities in Muslim communities as simply being a result of Muslim cultures and religion. While scholars have cited the problems of such an approach, the impact of these representations on Muslim women’s everyday lives and their access to important social institutions has not been extensively studied. In a bid to fill this gap, this study draws on 56 in-depth interviews with Canadian Muslim women to illustrate how misperceptions of Muslim women as oppressed and passive victims of their culture and communities works to marginalize and increasingly “other” them in mainstream Canadian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Multiculturalism in Canada is touted as an all‐inclusive policy and practice that celebrates difference and welcomes diversity. In 2012, gays and lesbians were included in the Discover Canada document amongst various cultural, racial, and ethnic groups, marking such inclusion as foundational in Canada's imagining of itself as tolerant and accepting. Despite these narratives of multicultural diversity, people of colour and Indigenous peoples continue to experience strife, violence, and erasure. This paper looks to the ways Canadian multiculturalism is utilized by queer and trans people as part of their understandings and imaginings of queer politics. In particular, it discusses the queer service sector and the ways queer and trans service providers do diversity and multiculturalism within their work. Findings highlight the complex ways in which queer and trans service providers utilize diversity as a tactic to create further exclusion and direct attention towards wanting, needing, and desiring diversity. The paper highlights the ways diversity is desired within the institutional walls of queer service provision and draws attention to the ways the whiteness and colonialism of the organizations themselves goes unquestioned and unexamined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents key findings derived from the experiences of visible minority woman as teachers in Canada, whose lived realities reveal myriad instances of compromise. The ethnic, cultural and racial diversity among teachers is an area that has garnered attention as it pertains to equitable work environments, teacher–student relations, and multicultural education. The challenges and responsibility of representing one’s racialized identity, ethnicity, culture, and religion while finding oneself marginalized within mainstream populace is critically examined through their narratives and reflexivity. In instances of blatant discrimination, bridging the public and private sphere, to moments of fulfillment, the resilience of these women is a defining factor of their success within adversity. Through their experiences there is opportunity to inform and advance the notions of diversity, representation, and distinctiveness of teachers in educational settings and the impact this has on an intercontinental symbol of society values in education. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 2001, Rie Fujii, a 23-year-old Japanese national living without legal status in Calgary, Alberta, Canada left her two infant children alone in her apartment for 10 days while visiting her out-of-town boyfriend. The children, Domenic and Gemini, died of dehydration and starvation. Charged with two counts of second-degree homicide, Fujii plead guilty to manslaughter and received an 8-year sentence. Through an analysis of the publicly available judicial documents relating to the crimes of Rie Fujii, this paper explores how the law's individualization and medicalization of crime and violence may obscure the multiple forms of everyday and structural violence that racialized women in white settler states such as Canada experience and may perpetrate. Drawing on Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois' concept of the violence continuum, I argue that the law's conceptualization of crime and violence conceals and thus advances the violence endemic to white settler colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the potential of the framework of reasonable accommodation under Canadian human rights legislation to respond adequately to the workplace discrimination claims of minorities, particularly racialized Muslim women. Developing the premise that religious freedom and gender equality are not mutually exclusive, the author considers the legislative and judicial context of multiculturalism in Canada, as exemplified by the R. v. NS case (dealing with whether a witness in legal proceedings may wear a niqab while testifying) and by certain legislative initiatives (such as the federal Zero Tolerance for Barbaric Cultural Practices Act and the Quebec Charter of Values) that reflect a climate of growing xenophobia and islamophobia and that reinforce the "otherness" of minority racialized women under the pretext of secularism and gender equality. The paper then examines more closely the existing legal framework for reasonable accommodation in the workplace, arguing that the rigorous standard adopted by the Supreme Court in Meiorin was weakened and devalued in subsequent decisions such as McGill and Hydro-Québec. Ultimately, the author contends, state multiculturalism should be challenged and reconceptualized through the prism of critical multiculturalism, in order to move away from a simplistic emphasis on cultural difference and to address the underlying systemic issues of racism and discrimination. Furthermore, she argues, the notion of reasonable accommodation should be reformulated to shift the focus away from accommodation of minority women as tolerated exceptions to the norm, and towards the achievement of substantive equality through structural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on data from a four-year national study of racialization and Indigeneity at Canadian universities. Its main conclusion is that whether one examines representation in terms of numbers of racialized and Indigenous faculty members and their positioning within the system, their earned income as compared to white faculty, their daily life experiences within the university as workplace, or interactions with colleagues and students, the results are more or less the same. Racialized and Indigenous faculty and the disciplines or areas of their expertise are, on the whole, low in numbers and even lower in terms of power, prestige, and influence within the University. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Models representing the assimilation of post-Second World War immigrants to North America use the academic achievement of children of first-generation immigrants as a benchmark of social mobility. Filipino youths in Canada fall short of this benchmark – they neither meet nor exceed their parents’ academic achievements. While concern with outcomes is a useful starting point, I suggest that there is a need to interrogate how and where students are produced as different. To do this, I attend to the geographies in the narratives of youths gathered from Filipino high school students in Vancouver (unceded Coast Salish Territories). I examine how they negotiate the spaces of transnational migration, their lives as students and spaces where their educational trajectories are deferred and delayed. I argue that the geographies of transnational migration and family should be held together with spaces of the school and education when considering academic outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Several countries have imposed bans on the wearing of face veils, a controversial option considered in Bill 94 by the province of Quebec in 2010. This paper examines non-Muslim women's support for the acceptability of the niqab in public spaces. Analysing the 2010 Quebec Women's Political Participation Survey, we find that key feminist arguments – that wearing the niqab is a woman's free choice, a matter of freedom of religion and a visible symbol of women's oppression – are important drivers of opinion. Their role in shaping opinion, however, is complex and mirrors divisions among feminist groups in the province. Additional attitudinal drivers include generation, exposure to the practice and openness to immigration. Equally important, our findings suggest that being a member of a racial minority, feelings of cultural insecurity and religiosity are of little consequence for thinking on the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Taylor & Francis Ltd) is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the educational experiences of a group of French-speaking Black African-born students who entered Canada as refugees. They were attending a French school and were placed in a separate programme that was designed to meet their particular needs given their limited language skills and level of education. Drawing on critical race theory (CRT), the article analyzes how these students’ identities operated in linking their academic abilities and particular life experiences in terms of race, gender, class, language, and immigrant status. The youth identified their separate programme as a problem in that their placement in it has to do with the fact that they are Black. The study provides important insights into the ways students with refugee backgrounds are being integrated into Canadian schools; and that, in some cases, the approach to their education operates to stream them along the lines of ethnicity, race, and life experience – the consequence of which is likely limited educational, occupational and social outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the political and policy discourses of Quebec's integration toolkit for immigrants. With a focus on value codes for immigrants, I argue first, that recent debate on accommodation of immigrants and religious minorities resuscitates the dominant historical narrative of Quebec's fragility as a conquered settler colonial nation but where the major threat is defined as the cultural otherness of racialized immigrants and religious minorities. Second, such value codes instantiate a form of governmental strategy that combines neo-liberal and communitarian rationalities and insist on cultural assimilation as the price of entry into Quebec citizenship. Finally, the paper examines how Quebec's current national imaginary of the ‘worrier nation’ maps spatially onto the urban-rural divide. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the 1978 case of seven Jamaican women who were to be deported from Canada and the questions the case raised about the value of women's labor and discriminatory immigration policies. Specifically, the article assesses the West Indian Domestic Scheme, an agreement between Canada and some English-speaking Caribbean countries to send Caribbean women to Canada to address the shortage of domestic labor. It argues that the terms of the agreement facilitated the deportation of domestic workers without consideration for how the process of migration had changed their social and personal relations with their children, families, and households, both "here" and "there," in ways that made it difficult for them to return home. In so doing, the article addresses the transnational complexities of women's lives that remain at odds with immigration and labor policies. The objective of the article is to elucidate why the women, in their roles as mothers, decided to challenge the orders to leave Canada and to illuminate the ways in which racialized women find the means to negotiate in-between spaces that allow them to survive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I use Donna Haraway's philosophy to think about postcolonial encounters between different species. I follow entangled stories of the deer/settler-child figure to trouble colonialisms and untangle the histories and trajectories that we inhabit with other species through colonial histories. I shy away from generalizations and instead grapple with complexities that ordinary stories bring as I attempt to engage in nonhegemonic versions of childhood studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses multiculturalism, racialization, and colonialism in Canada. It says that the myth of multiculturalism asserts that racial harmony and equity exist in Canada and that the country consistently maintains a high quality of for every individual. It also states that colonialism and racism are more fraught issues than multiculturalism. It provides an overview of the main components of racialization and colonization. Furthermore, it mentions that Bonita Lawrence and Enakshi Dua's article "Decolonizing Antiracism" states that anti-racism theory overlooks the ongoing colonization of American peoples and does not integrate knowledge of Canada as a colonialist state into antiracist models.

This paper explores the construction of Canada as a benevolent nation through the distribution of aid as a 'gift.' By analysing news media reports by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) during the period in which the Canadian government matched citizen donations (January 12 to February 12, 2010), I argue that Canada represents itself as a generous giver and Haiti as a sometimes ungrateful receiver of the 'gift.' Understanding the gesture of gift giving as a project of self-construction, I argue that the media representations of Canada giving foreign aid made Haitians hyper-visible as poor, desolate, and violent while simultaneously rendering Canada's imperial project in Haiti invisible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the Bouchard-Taylor Commission, a 2007-8 government consultation that was established in Québec to study interculturalism, secularism and national identity, in response to what had become known as the 'reasonable accommodation debates' on the extent to which minority and immigrant cultural practices could be accommodated. The focus of this exploration is on two aspects of the Commission: the citizens' forums that were a part of its deliberative process; and the ways in which it responded to the idea of crisis. Through an analysis of aspects of the Commission's final report, the ways in which the Commission was structured and the media representations of the Commission, this article argues that, despite the spirit of equality and fairness to which the commissioners were committed and the praise it received from some members of immigrant and minority groups, the Commission ended up reinforcing the racialised hierarchies and exclusions that it wanted to redress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article surveys the manner in which the courts of Canada have treated the concept of `culture' as a justiciable matter in litigation. It starts from the premise that a constitutionally `multicultural' society has manifest impetus to factor cultural realities into court-based decision-making, and acknowledges that judicial use of 'contextualism' appears to have provided the framework for reception of cultural evidence. Using the rules of evidence as a lens, the article: surveys how courts have found culture to be relevant, material and admissible in various kinds of legal disputes; analyses the trends; and offers some preliminary thoughts as to how the law of evidence should continue to adapt in order to accommodate culture in a principled manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The equality provision in section 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms 1982 was drafted with a vision of promoting substantive equality. Following challenges to this vision during the 1990s by a group of conservative Supreme Court judges, the recent judgment of Iacobucci J in Law v Canada (1999) has been welcomed for reasserting section 15's substantive ideal. But despite the effective manner in which the provision was drafted, and despite the recent guidelines set out in Law, interpretations of section 15 must continue to explore the complexities of intersectional inequalities and clarify any reliance on the ambiguous call to ‘human dignity’ if they are to maintain Canada's position near the forefront of progressive approaches to equality law. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: Islamophobia or, anti-Muslim racism, and more specifically, gendered islamophobia targeting Muslim women who wear a hijab is rising globally and is aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. However, anti-Muslim racism is not well understood in Canadian nursing., Purpose: This study utilized narrative inquiry to understand anti-Muslim racism through the experiences of nurses who wear a hijab with the goal of putting forward their counter-narrative that disrupts anti-Muslim racism in Canadian nursing., Methods: Narrative inquiry informed by Critical Race Feminism, care ethics, and intersectionality were used to analyze the factors shaping anti-Muslim racism and composite narratives were used to present the results., Results: The three composite narratives are: 'This is Who I Am: A Muslim Nurse with a Hijab and an Accent'; 'I Know What is at Play: Unveiling Operating Power Structures and Power Relations'; and 'Rewriting the Narrative: Navigating Power Structures and Power Relations'. These composite narratives constituted the nurses' counter-narrative. They revealed intersections of gendered, racial divisions of labour and religious narratives that shape anti-Muslim racism, as operating power relations in nursing, and how Muslim nurses reclaimed control to resist their racialized stereotypes., Conclusion: Findings suggest that anti-Muslim racism in nursing operates through multiple intersecting power relations. Using stories can mobilize transformational change so that anti-racist practices, policies, and pedagogy can be embraced.