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Higher education consists of a wide array of education programs, some of which closely involve both domestic politics and issues that transcend national boundaries. This paper explores a controversial and highly contested higher education program that is shaped by a post-conflict affected context and transnational politics. Based on the case study of a new Vietnamese language studies program in Cambodia, the paper demonstrates that when post-conflict education and transnational politics intersect with one another in many ways, post-war higher education reconstruction becomes a platform where stakeholders such as youths and national and international governments contest and negotiate influence and change. By critically examining the relations between educational phenomena and historical, national, and geopolitical dynamics in a post-conflict environment, the paper discusses key factors of higher education reconstruction in the aftermath of social upheavals and mass atrocities. It also offers a fresh perspective on the multifaceted dynamics of a higher education program which involves public protests, state intervention, transnational disputes, and inter-state relations.

This study reviews empirical data from the U.S. Census, American Community Survey (ACS) and academic journals to explore K-12 and higher educational outcomes pertaining to Southeast Asian American (SEAA) males. We argue that the empirical dismissal of SEAA males in social science research reinforces a longstanding agenda of structural neglect and invisibility. By disaggregating some of the existing data for Cambodian, Hmong, Laotian, and Vietnamese subgroups from the broader "Asian" group, we hope to repudiate the model minority myth and stereotypes related to masculinity. Findings revealed that SEAA males had K-12 and higher educational outcomes that contradict the standard conception of academic and financial success. We situate the findings of the article in a discussion of intersectionality and the mainstream cultural forces that impact SEAA males.

This paper examines the French presence and its effect on the emergence of Cambodian nationalism (1920-1937). There were serious measures on the part of the French to change the general conditions in the Cambodian kingdom for the better, but because the French continued their repressive methods against the Cambodians that gave rise to nationalist feelings against them. The turmoil of political and economic conditions during the years (1927-1935) helped the emergence of the Hindu Communist Party during the year 1930 in Indochina. The establishment of the Nagravata newspaper and its impact on Cambodian society (1936-1937) was not against the French presence in Cambodia but on the contrary, the other Cambodian newspaper and publications were promoting that the Cambodians (Khmer) viewed the French as protectors against their neighbors, and that the main enemy was the Vietnamese, but at The establishment of the Cambodian Youth League began to demand Cambodian rights from French colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews five works on the Sino-Vietnamese War, also referred to as the Third Indochina War. Although many have considered the Vietnamese to have been the victors in that conflict, a closer observation reveals that while China might have suffered disproportionate casualties, they did achieve many of their goals. The ultimate determination of winner or loser rests with the participants of the struggle, not with an outside observer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than 75 per cent of the world's known stateless belong to minorities. Building upon ethnographic research conducted between 2008–2017, this paper considers the case of ethnic Vietnamese minority populations in Cambodia. Members of this group are long-term residents, having been born and raised in the country for generations, with the exception of the period during the Khmer Rouge regime when they were forcibly deported to Vietnam. Since their return to Cambodia in the early 1980s, individuals from this group have been regarded by Cambodian authorities as 'immigrants'. This paper examines how discriminatory policies, laws and administrative practices regulate individual and collective identities, while creating categories that determine social inclusion and exclusion. In doing so, this paper makes visible the ambivalence of law and rights – both as tools for the construction of exclusionary citizenship, but also as instruments which minorities to contest their social exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a clear trend in Western democratic countries towards regularizing the status of long-term ethnic minority residents through the conferral of full and equal citizenship rights. Ethnic minorities who arrived as irregular or temporary migrants in the West are increasingly allowed to follow the immigrant path towards integration into the broader citizenry. This is largely due to recognition that the price of exclusion is not only unjust, but it increases the risk of racial tensions, criminality, and social violence. Investigating the relevance of these Western developments to Cambodia, this article focuses on Cambodia's ethnic Vietnamese minority. Despite residing in Cambodia for generations, ethnic Vietnamese have traditionally been regarded as 'foreign residents' and denied citizenship. Based on extensive field research, this article considers the history and reality of Cambodia's ethnic Vietnamese minority as well as the ethnically-exclusionary policies and practices of the state and Khmer majority towards them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among traumatized Cambodian ( N=90) and Vietnamese ( N=94) refugees attending a psychiatric clinic, the study examined the validity and psychometric properties of the Short Form-36 Health Survey (SF-36), a measure of self-perceived mental and physical health. In both patient samples, all eight SF-36 scales displayed excellent internal consistency (item-scale correlations and Cronbach's α). But, similar to other studies of Asian samples, (a) the Vitality (VT) scale did not separate from the Mental Health (MH) and General Health (GH) scales, as evidenced by item-scale and interscale correlations, and (b) the VT scale loaded as strongly (Vietnamese sample) or more strongly (Cambodian sample) than the MH scale on the so-called Mental Factor in a two-factor solution of the eight scales (with the GH scale also loading heavily on the same factor). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asian Americans are now the most rapidly growing minority group in the USA. Over 60 % of Asian Americans in the USA are immigrants. Cancer has been the leading cause of death among Asian Americans since 1980. Understanding the barriers to screening is essential to reduce the unnecessary burden of cancer. Little is known about colorectal cancer screening behavior among foreign-born Asian Americans and how socio-demographic factors may influence the behavior. Even less is known about disaggregated Asian subgroups. Using data from the Chicago Asian Community Survey, a local health assessment survey of three Asian subgroups in Chicago, Chinese, Cambodian, and Vietnamese, this study found that the colorectal cancer screening rate were much lower among foreign-born Asian Americans in Chicago (30 %) than the national rate for the general population (59 %). Furthermore, we studied disaggregated data to determine colorectal cancer screening differences between communities. Findings from this study provide a critical evidence base to inform future research and intervention designs.