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To introduce their examination of the social production of segregated space and power relations in Oxnard, California from 1934 to 1954, the authors utilize portions of a letter written by Alice Shaffer, April 21, 1938, to the Oxnard School Board of Trustees. Shaffer outlines the seemingly shared concerns of her neighbors about a disruption of the separate social and academic worlds established for Whites and Mexicans. As she urges the board to endorse residential and school segregation, she demonstrates the inextricable link between these two pervasive and persistent forms of racial discrimination. The authors analyze this interconnection between housing and education in Oxnard from 1934, when the trustees' minutes first mention school segregation, through 1954, after the second U.S. Supreme Court ruling challenging racially restrictive housing covenants and the landmark decision declaring segregated schools unconstitutional. Their analysis demonstrates that the trustees designed segregated schools to correspond with the very same racially identifiable residential spaces they themselves helped create. With this historical case study, the authors seek to document the ways housing and school segregation became interconnected "by design." (Contains 118 footnotes.)

In this article, David G. Garcia, Tara J. Yosso, and Frank P. Barajas examine the early twentieth-century origins of a dual schooling system that facilitated the reproduction of a cheap labor force and the marginalization of Mexicans in Oxnard, California. In their analysis of the 1930s Oxnard Elementary School District board minutes, alongside newspapers, maps, scholarly accounts, and oral history interviews, they argue that school segregation privileged Whites and discriminated against Mexicans as a form of mundane racism. The authors build on previous scholarship documenting the pervasiveness of racism in U.S. society to define mundane racism as the systematic subordination of Mexicans that occurred as a commonplace, ordinary way of conducting business within and beyond schools. Their findings complicate narratives that emphasize complete segregation in "Mexican schools," while acknowledging the resistance of parents and the resilience of their children. (Contains 29 notes.)

Drawing on a critical race theory framework, this article weaves together sociology, education, history, and performance studies to challenge deficit interpretations of Pierre Bourdieu's cultural capital theory and to analyze Culture Clash's play Chavez Ravine. The play recounts a decade of Los Angeles history through the perspectives of displaced Mexican American families from three former neighborhoods of Chavez Ravine. Culture Clash's performance recovers and personifies the community cultural wealth cultivated by these families. This multifaceted portfolio of cultural assets and resources includes aspirational, linguistic, social, navigational, familial, and resistant capital. Chavez Ravine affirms the continuity of Chicana/o communities, utilizing culture as a source of strength that facilitates survival and nurtures resistance. (Contains 6 figures and 27 notes.)

The article considers various ideas in sociology, education, history, and performance studies that help explain philosopher Pierre Bourdieu's cultural capital theory and Culture Clash's play titled "Chavez Ravine." It states that "Chavez Ravine" reveals the community cultural wealth in Los Angeles, California. The play tells a decade of history in California through the perspectives of displaced Mexican American families from three neighborhoods of Clash Ravine, the protagonist of the play. To give a clearer demonstration of the community cultural wealth in the play, the author started the analysis by introducing the critical race theory as a framework that challenge cultural deficit interpretations of Bourdieu's play.